Memoirs of the Court of George IV. 1820-1830 Part 11

Doctors' Commons, Jan. 16, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I am naturally desirous of ascertaining, by the only mode of communication which seems open to me, your general opinion and sentiments as to the outline of the course we ought to shape in the stormy debates we shall probably have so speedily to encounter. Our situation as a party appears to be more critical than it has ever been. The Ministers have conducted themselves with great imbecility and indecision, and the Opposition have distinguished themselves by their violence and intemperance; and under these circ.u.mstances we are looked upon as a rallying point between the two extremes, and our opinion is very anxiously looked for by many persons who wish, if they can, to make it the guide of their conduct. It seems to me, therefore, very desirable to consider, as much as we can before-hand, any of the questions on which we may be called upon to give an opinion. The two first points expected to be brought forward are the Liturgy and the Palace. With respect to the Liturgy, I am strongly inclined to think, upon an examination of the subject (for at first I had considerable doubt upon it), that the King has the right to do as he has done; and though I do not think his exercise of the right discreet or advisable under the circ.u.mstances, still if he had the right, I should not be disposed to hold that the Queen's name ought _now_ to be placed in the Liturgy. The general opinion of lawyers is, I think, unfavourable to the King's claim; but then, perhaps, that opinion is frequently given without any examination of the subject.

On the Palace, I feel no difficulties. If we are to allow her--as I understand it is to be proposed that we shall--50,000 per annum, she may well afford to pay rent for her habitation.

Questions may be expected to be raised also as to the policy of Government in bringing forward any measure against the Queen, and as to their mode of conducting it when brought forward. On both of these points it appears to me that much blame is imputable to the Ministers; but these are questions which cannot be brought forward substantively for some days at least, and therefore I trust I shall have an opportunity of discussing them with you before any occasion can arise on which we may be called upon to give any opinion respecting them.

The Address, I suppose, will be such as not necessarily to compromise those who vote for it to any opinion as to the wisdom of Ministers; but I think, however bad, in point of tactics in general, it may be to propose an amendment, that, under existing circ.u.mstances, an amendment must be moved. The query then is, whether we should explain our vote? and if we do, what should be the nature of that explanation?

The Government people either are, or pretend to be, in better spirits than they were three weeks ago; but I have great doubts whether they will be able to withstand the storm;--at all events, if they do, they will be severely shattered; all will depend on whether they can get their friends to vote. They very much encourage the idea that we are to support them, and to take office at or about Easter; but this is a _ruse de guerre_ resorted to at the opening of every session.--I never witnessed more dismay than was excited by a rumour very much circulated last week, that Plunket was to take an active part against the Government.

Another report set on foot is, that the King is very desirous that the Government may be beaten on the Address, as it will give him a good excuse to get rid of them.

I fear there is little chance of Wynn's coming to London till the last moment; but I have not heard anything from him on this point.

Believe me, my dear Lord,

Your Lordship's obliged and faithful servant,

JOSEPH PHILLIMORE.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, Jan. 24, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I waited till now to write to you, to give you my opinion on the first appearance of things. The House of Commons is evidently determined to support the Ministers, and I see the Opposition think so, for they are not near so triumphant as I should have expected; and there are strong symptoms already of dissension between the Mountain and Whigs; the former are turbulent to a degree, and tried once or twice yesterday to stop debate by noise and clamour; and the few words I had with your brother[60] showed me _he_ was discontented. He said the Opposition were destroying their own game, and that there was no hope; that they were milk-and-water, and did not seize the advantages they possessed. From this it is clear their meeting at Burlington House was not quite satisfactory, and I am persuaded the violent ones wished for an amendment.--The Liturgy question is to be argued on the point of law, which is the best thing that could happen to Ministers; and the Opposition are to object to the sum of 50,000 (which is the proposed amount of the allowance), as not being enough. This will throw the odium of the burthen, and even of the proposition, on the Opposition, which is also advantageous to Government.--Never was anything, however, so low and wretched as the Treasury Bench. It is quite disgraceful and contemptible, and not even upheld by its adherents and followers. They all say it cannot go on; but, nevertheless, _I think_ it will, for there is a determination not to take the Whigs.

This more and more confirms the propriety of our line of moderate but quiet support, and disconnecting ourselves with the responsibility of all their measures. I took an opportunity before I left the country of saying to _the sister_ fully all you wished.

I had two hours' private communication with her.--I spent two days--Friday and Sat.u.r.day last--at Dropmore. I found Lord G---- thoroughly convinced these people could not stand, and that the Whigs must come in, but equally decided as to our not joining either. So far, he need be under no apprehension of the latter; for until necessity demands it, I don't think the application will be made. He fancies a Whig Government could not last six months, reasoning from the conduct of George III.; but in this I am persuaded he would find himself deceived, for the same decision and steadiness of mind does not belong to his successor. And should the change once take place, new attachments and habits would prevail, and obliterate all former anger.--The Government say their majority on Friday will be seventy. I think more, by the symptoms of yesterday.

Nothing could be so wretched as the mover and seconder, or so tame as Tierney.--I shall finish this at the House.

Half-past Five o'clock.

Nothing material has occurred. Pet.i.tions are presenting by hundreds, and much violent language accompanying them; but Castlereagh keeping very cool, and refusing all discussion--the Opposition manifesting great impetuosity and violence, and, I think, hurting themselves. Lord Tavistock has given a notice for Monday se'nnight of a motion of general condemnation of the Ministers for their proceedings regarding the Queen. I cannot give you the exact words.

W. H. F.

[60] Lord Nugent.

As might have been expected, soon after the meeting of Parliament, two or three of the Opposition members began an active agitation in favour of the Queen; but the majority of the members were opposed to much discussion on the subject, and it became evident that her cause was daily losing ground in that a.s.sembly. On the 26th of January, during a debate on a motion respecting the omission of the Queen's name in the Liturgy, Lord Castlereagh made a forcible reply to the attacks upon his colleagues, in which he vindicated the conduct of the Government, and taunted the Opposition with their proceedings against the Queen on former occasions. His argument was directed against Lord Erskine, who had recently, in the House of Lords, while referring to the Queen, expressed himself offensively towards Ministers; but Lord Grenville's friends considered that he was attacked, and were warm in their indignation. Lord Grenville and Mr. Thomas Grenville, however, were more tolerant.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, Jan. 31, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

After I received your letter, I called at Lord Liverpool's, but could not gain admittance; since that, I have been considering more fully the subject, and think that any explanation now, after the lapse of so many days, and when the whole debate is gone by, could lead to no one advantage; and I fear also that Lord Grenville might fancy I improperly interfered on a question so personally concerning himself. I have no doubt Lord Liverpool would ask me if I were authorized by him to express his anger, or to call for an explanation; and he would probably write to Lord Grenville upon the subject. The offence was undoubtedly great, and such as you were justified in resenting; but I am thoroughly persuaded it was one of Lord Castlereagh's bothering Irish arguments which led him on, and that it was no premeditated attack on your friends. His object was to lay it on Lord Erskine; and in the conversations I have since had with his friends, they have told me he was extremely sorry that your friends should have felt hurt, that he never meant it, and that his only object was to expose the conduct of Lord Erskine. All this, you will say, may be very true, but is no excuse to you; but again I must say, what could you have done? Lord Liverpool could not give up Lord Castlereagh, and you could not resent it so as to vote with the Whigs. The Government are already apprized of your feeling and that of your friends on this subject, and I have no doubt--at least, I should think--it would put them more on their guard. I really think it might be considered by Lord Grenville as very officious in me to call on the Prime Minister to take up his battle without any previous communication or authority from him. I could undoubtedly say it was your feelings I was expressing; but the answer would naturally be, that Lord Grenville personally was concerned. However, the lapse of time is at present the additional objection, and no apology could answer to you or your friends but a public explanation from Castlereagh, which could not be made. I a.s.sure you I have been very much disturbed by your letter, being always anxious to obey your wishes and forward your objects, and in the first place called on Lord L---- for that purpose.

The debate yesterday was much more violent and personal than the first--at least, previous to the Speaker's leaving the chair. I left the House after that, and know not what was done. The evident disposition of the House is to stifle all further proceedings regarding the Queen, but it is equally the intention of the Opposition to pursue it; but the latter must ultimately give way, for the House will not hear them. The saints--b.u.t.terworth, Wilberforce, &c. &c.--are favourable for her restoration to the Liturgy, and this question is to be brought forward again, but of course will be rejected by a still larger majority.

I see that Charles Wynn and Phillimore are so decidedly disposed to the Opposition, that their minds are at all times on the alert to catch an opportunity of attacking the Government. I certainly do not support or think well of the Government, but I am _quite satisfied_ that nothing short of a total overthrow of everything would induce the Whigs to unite with you; and I am equally satisfied that the only and best prospect of office is to keep terms with the present Government, not with a view of joining them, but of keeping them unfettered and unexasperated for any future arrangements.

That some change must soon take place cannot be doubted, and be a.s.sured that Parliament _will not_ have the Whigs. Canning, it is said, will not return to the Board of Control; and the Ministers'

followers all hold the language of change after these questions are got over. I give you these opinions of my own, and what I hear, and be a.s.sured there is no being more eager or more watchful of your interests and objects than I am. I shall keep this open till I go down to the House, in case there should be anything new.--The Duke of Devonshire is come to town a thorough Reformist: this is a conversion; as also Lord Fitzwilliam. It is hardly possible to conceive that their anger should have led them to such a thorough departure from all their old feelings and principles.

There is nothing new. Lushington was most violent last night; and n.o.body believes Admiral Wood's a.s.sertion that the Queen has no bills or debts.

Ever most truly,

W. H. F.

MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

MY DEAR B----,

We cannot argue the question of the expediency of the original omission, without consuming more paper and time than I can afford; but it still appears to me--1st. That at that time Ministers had not decided to bring the business forward, or to publish the Queen's infamy; 2ndly. That though I am myself perfectly satisfied of the King's prerogative, it was so far disputable as to render such an exercise of it very unwise; 3rdly. That there could have been no greater difficulty or impropriety in proceeding, if it should afterwards be rendered necessary by her coming to England, against "our gracious Queen Caroline," than against "the Princess of Wales," prayed for the preceding Sunday. As to the phrase of "gracious," it is a mere t.i.tle of honour attached to the station, and far less objectionable than "most religious," which _Charles II._ was the first sovereign who a.s.sumed, and which produces little sensation even when used as an epithet to _some_ of his successors.

Still, if they were mealy-mouthed, they might have inserted "Her Majesty Queen Caroline." I should also have wished to have sent a yacht, or suitable conveyance, to bring her over to her trial,--just as, if she had been found guilty on an impeachment, and sentenced to transportation, I would not have despatched her to Portsmouth in the caravan, or to Botany Bay in a transport. To neither of these, however, did I attach as much blame as to the not notifying the death of the Princess Charlotte, which I think the most brutal omission I ever remember, and one which would attach disgrace in private life, even in a case where a divorce was pending, or had actually taken place.

My great objection is to the spirit of irritation and provocation which dictated the whole, as if they wished to goad her into the course she has since pursued, instead of endeavouring by all means in their power to avert what every other man in the kingdom felt to be a most hazardous and perilous crisis.

I am much inclined to think that you are quite right as to the key which explains Peel's conduct. Still, I hear from all sides how _we_ are to come in after Easter. This may proceed either from a desire to strengthen themselves by really combining us with Peel in a new arrangement, or (which I think more probable) from a design of cajoling us into present support.

An apology was transmitted to me from Castlereagh, through Lewis, for his attack on the Commission of 1806, professing it to have been quite _inadvertent_, and merely levelled at Erskine, without _recollecting_ that Lord Grenville was equally implicated.

I certainly hear from many quarters that the country gentlemen are loud in their representations to Ministers of the necessity of their strengthening themselves, if they wish for a continuance of support. Probably this will be answered by Canning's return, and the accession of Peel.

I have just heard, on the authority of a man who told me that he had seen Lady O----'s letter, that H---- A---- having eloped from Florence with her second daughter, she followed them, and when she found them, he had taken poison. Now, why they should take the trouble of eloping, and, still more, why he should take poison, is not easy to conceive.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, Feb. 1, 1821.

My brother has just shown me your letter, and I trust I need not a.s.sure you that I am, as always, most deeply sensible of your affectionate kindness; but I am perfectly _horrified_ at the notion which it has suggested to you, on an occasion which surely does not call for the smallest manifestation of any resentment or dissatisfaction whatever.

If you support Government on these questions about the Queen, it is not at all from any particular attachment to Lord C----, or any of his colleagues, but from what you think due both to the King and to the country, to contribute, as far as you can, to resist the degradation which the Radicals and their allies would bring on the first, and the ruin which must, if they succeed in that attempt, ensue to the country.

It would be most unjust to require Lord C----, in this warfare, to abstain from a natural and obvious ground of defence. I am not so unreasonable as to expect this, if I cared one farthing about anything that can be said of that inquiry, in which, if I cared at all, it was in being too easily satisfied. Nor am I so thin-skinned as to have any feeling on the subject; and the only thing that could have made it at all unpleasant to me would be the appearance (which such a step as you speak of must have) of my being angered on the occasion, and having used any influence I might have with you to the effect of inducing you to act contrary certainly to all my opinions and wishes, and, I believe, contrary to your own.

Pray--pray, therefore, let all your friends, if they and you agree with me in thinking Lord Tavistock's motion fit to be negatived, cry "No!" as stoutly as I would if I had anything to say or do on the occasion.