London and the Kingdom Volume II Part 7

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In June he caused another application to be made to the City.(393) On the 7th the lord mayor, who had been summoned to appear before the lords of the council, appeared with so few of his brother aldermen that he was ordered to go back and to return on the 10th with the whole court. When they at last made their appearance they were told that the king expected from them no less a sum than 100,000. The war was, if possible, more unpopular in the city than in the country. The memory of the recent confiscation of their Irish estates had not been obliterated from the minds of the citizens by the subsequent grant of a charter. The mayor and aldermen replied that it was impossible to find the money. The council told them that it must be done, one of the lords declaring that they ought to have sold their chains and gowns before making such a reply. They were ordered to appear once more on the 12th June with a final answer.(394)

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A warrant had in the meantime been issued for raising 3000 men from the trained bands of the city for service in Scotland.(395) Although it does not appear that this demand was acceded to,(396) seeing that the trained bands were a force especially intended for the defence of the city, greater activity was shown in making the city's troops as perfect in their drill as circ.u.mstances permitted.(397) Boys from Christ's Hospital and Bridewell were taught to play the drum and fife, weapons were marked, and musters held in Goodman's Fields and elsewhere under the eye of Captain John Fisher, recently appointed muster-master.(398)

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That the citizens were not indisposed to a.s.sist the king, if left to themselves and not subjected to threats and intimidation, is shown by the fact that, in antic.i.p.ation of the return of Charles from the North, the Common Council voted him (31 July, 1639) the sum of 10,000 as a free gift in consideration that the City had not contributed anything to his majesty on his setting out, as had been required, "albeit the counties and private personnes both n.o.bles and others had done the same."(399) Even this small sum could not be raised without resorting to sheriffs' fines, no less than sixteen individuals being mulcted for refusing to serve as sheriff in less than two months.(400) It was no difficult task to find men unwilling to serve such a thankless office at so critical a time.

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Before the close of the year (1639) the country was agreeably surprised at the news that it was the king's intention to summon a parliament.

Parliament opened on the 13th April (1640). Few of its members could have served in the last parliament of eleven years before, but although so long a time had elapsed since the Commons had met, they had not forgotten their old const.i.tutional claims to have the country's grievances redressed before proceeding to grant supplies. An offer to relinquish ship money proved insufficient, and after three weeks the "short parliament" was dissolved (5 May, 1640).

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For some days before parliament was dissolved every effort had been made by the king to get the mayor and aldermen to lend him 100,000. This being found impossible, the mayor, Henry Garway, or Garraway, was directed to make out a list of the wealthiest commoners. After several attempts to negotiate with the aldermen individually, they were summoned to appear in a body on Sunday, the 11th April. Charles himself then told them that his necessity at the time was so great that he must borrow 100,000 of the City; that he must not be denied; the money he must have at once, as it would benefit him more then than twenty subsidies granted by parliament afterwards. After the king had finished speaking the Lord Privy Seal(401) addressed them, setting forth that a similar sum had been advanced by the City to King James; that he himself, being Recorder at the time, had lent 3,000 towards it, and that the money had been repaid with interest. The City, he continued, was rather beholden to his majesty for taking the money and repaying it with interest, than the king beholden to the City for lending it. He further instanced the case of the City having lent King Henry III a sum of 100,000 rather than allow that monarch to pledge his crown and jewels to the merchants of the Steelyard, and it was truly repaid. To this the aldermen were not permitted to make any reply, but were sent away to advise together how the sum should be raised.(402)

On Thursday, the 7th May, the mayor and aldermen were again summoned before the council, when they were told that, having failed to provide the sum previously asked for, they would now have to find 200,000. If the latter sum was not forthcoming the king threatened to "have 300,000 of the city." They were to come again on the following Sunday (10 May) and bring with them a list of the rich men of the wards.

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On the day appointed they came, but brought with them a pet.i.tion to be excused making such a list as that required. The excuse was not allowed.

Strafford is recorded as having lost his temper at the obstinacy of the aldermen. "Sir," said he, addressing the king, "you will never do good to these citizens of London till you have made examples of some of the aldermen," and recommended Charles, in his own "thorough" way, to hang a few of them.(403) Charles did not take the advice offered. He would have made, however, the mayor resign his sword and collar then and there but for the intercession of the bystanders, and actually committed four of the aldermen to prison, viz., Nicholas Rainton, John Gayre, Thomas Soame and Thomas Atkins, for refusing to make a list of those inhabitants of their respective wards who were able to lend from 50 upwards.(404) One of them, Alderman Soame, gave particular offence. "I was an honest man whilst I was a commoner," he told the king to his face, "and I would continue to be so now I am an alderman." The other aldermen professed their readiness to give in the names of the richer citizens, but objected to rate them according to their means.

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Both Garway and Sir Thomas Gardiner, the Recorder, favoured the king. The latter was particularly anxious that the City should lend the 100,000 originally requested, and did his best to get the money advanced. For his zeal on this occasion, and for "other high crimes and misdemeanours," he was afterwards (1642) impeached.(405)

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The aldermen were not long kept in confinement. Even before their committal the city was in a ferment, and a placard had appeared posted up in the Exchange inviting all who were lovers of liberty to a.s.semble in St.

George's Fields in Southwark early on Monday morning (11 May). Archbishop Laud was a special object of hatred to the citizens, and against him the mob directed their attack. As soon as the trained bands, which kept order during the day, had retired for the evening, the rabble marched to Lambeth. Laud, however, had been warned in time, and had made good his escape across the river to Whitehall. The rioters finding themselves baulked of their prey retired with threats of returning to burn down the palace. For the next few days the city was under martial law. A double watch was kept in its streets. The companies looked to their store of powder and match. A strict guard was kept over servants and apprentices, and a warrant issued for raising 1,000 men of the trained bands, or as many more as the lord mayor should think necessary "to suppress, slay, kill, destroy and apprehend all such as should be tumultuously a.s.sembled in or about Southwark, Lambeth, Blackheath or elsewhere in parts adjacent."(406)

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If the royal warrant was to be effectually and loyally carried out some concession to the citizens was necessary, and accordingly, on the same day (15 May) that the warrant appeared, the four aldermen were released.

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Pending the negotiations for a loan, payment of ship money had not been strictly enforced; but now that threats and entreaties had failed to open the purse-strings of the citizens Charles made a desperate effort to exact ship money. On the 9th June, 1640, the lord mayor and both the sheriffs were summoned to attend the council to give an account of the ship money due from the city. Why had it not been paid in? The mayor replied that he had sent his officers to collect, but few or none would pay.(407) Upon the king telling him that he should have distrained, the mayor remarked that one of his predecessors in office, Sir Edward Bromfield, was still a defendant in a suit in the King's Bench brought against him by Richard Chambers for acting in that manner, and was likely to be cast. "No man,"

said Charles peremptorily, "shall suffer for obeying my commands." Thus encouraged the mayor himself made a house-to-house visit the next day, accompanied by the sheriffs, for the purpose of collecting the money.

Throughout the whole city, however, only one man was found ready and willing to pay. When the mayor ordered the sheriffs to distrain they refused on the plea that it was the mayor's business, not theirs. Entering a draper's shop the mayor attempted to seize a piece of linen cloth; the owner set about measuring it, and naming the price told the mayor that if he persisted in taking it he should esteem it a purchase and put it to his lordship's account.(408)

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On the 11th June the Common Council took into consideration two letters-one from Charles, dated the 17th March, and another from the lords of the council, of the 31st May-asking for a city force of 4,000 men (but none to be taken out of the trained bands) for service in the north of England, and directing the mayor to see that coat and conduct money was at once raised for the purpose.(409) The court declined to come to an immediate decision; but on the 15th the lord mayor issued his precept for the necessary funds to be levied on the wards.(410)

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On the 19th July news arrived from the North that the Scots were about to seize Newcastle-a very serious matter to the Londoners, as they would thereby be cut off from their supply of coal. Charles took advantage of this, writes Dr. Gardiner,(411) and sent Lord Cottington and Sir Henry Vane to the Common Council-specially summoned to meet on the 23rd by the king's order(412)-to a.s.sure them that if the long-desired loan of 200,000 were granted the citizens would hear nothing more of the project recently promulgated of debasing the coinage, a project which, if carried out, would have worked great mischief to the London merchant and tradesman.

"Leaving the Common Council to discuss the demand, the privy councillors amused themselves by strolling through the Cloth Exchange at Blackwell Hall. The owners of cloth gathered quickly round them. They hoped, they said, that they were not to be compelled to sell for copper goods for which sterling silver had been paid. After a debate of an hour and a half Cottington and Vane were re-admitted, to be informed that the Common Council had no power to dispose of the money of the citizens."

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Having failed once more in this direction, and driven to his wits' end for money, Charles applied to the livery companies for a loan of 120,000.

They were told that the money was not required for the purpose of making war, but only to enable his majesty to make the more honourable peace, sword in hand. It would be used to pay off the soldiers and so prevent them pillaging the country after disbandment. Each company was a.s.sessed according to its wealth; but most of the princ.i.p.al companies pleaded inability to subscribe on the ground that the Londonderry plantation had "consumed their stocks." It was believed at the time that not a tenth part of the money would be raised.(413)

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Six weeks or more elapsed. The king and n.o.bles were at York holding a council. The City had been brought into a better humour by a confirmation of its rights (5 Sept.) to tolls known as "package" and "scavage," and a pardon for all past offences in daring to exact such tolls.(414) The citizens were still better pleased with a promise of another parliament which Charles made in answer to a pet.i.tion (24 Sept.),(415) and with the prospect of a speedy conclusion of peace with Scotland. Under these circ.u.mstances one last effort was made to get them to advance the long-wished-for loan of 200,000. Not only did the king and the lords ride to the city, but the Earl of Manchester, the Lord Chamberlain, Viscount Campden, and other lords paid a personal visit to the Guildhall and used their utmost powers to persuade the citizens to advance the money. The money might be paid by two instalments of 50,000 and one instalment of 100,000 between October and December, and the Peers themselves would give security for repayment.(416) This time the application was more successful, thanks to a little high-handedness practised by the lords on the Common Council. "With all diligence becoming us we have gone upon the business wherewith your majesty and the Peers entrusted us," they wrote to the king (3 Oct.), giving him a long account of their visit to the city.(417) "On Friday morning (2 Oct.) we desired the lord mayor to call a Court of Aldermen at Guildhall, whither we all went, sat with them in council, and opened to them all our business, and read our letters, which satisfied them very much, yet they reserved themselves till they saw how it would take with the Commons. Then we all went to dinner with the lord mayor and there appointed to have a Common Council that afternoon, amongst which we mingled divers commoners that were not of the Common Council, such as we knew well affected and powerful in the city." We are not surprised to learn that this action on the part of the lords was strongly objected to as not being altogether regular. The lords insisted, however, and they were allowed to have their own way. "At three o'clock that afternoon," the letter goes on to say, "we met at Guildhall, sat with them in the Court of Common Council, and according to our instructions acquainted them with the proceedings of the a.s.sembly of Peers, and used the best rhetoric, which was plain remonstrance of all the pa.s.sages at York, not concealing the admirable grace and freeness shown by your majesty in this great council, to the infinite content of all the Peers, nor the true affection shown to you by the Peers." They first read the letter from the lords and then that from his majesty. They feared lest some words which his majesty had (falsely) been reported to have uttered on the occasion of the late pet.i.tion from the City for a parliament might have an injurious effect, so they had explained this and other matters, and the Common Council appeared well satisfied. "We then withdrew, that they before they rose might more freely debate upon the way of raising the sum desired, for we persuaded ourselves it would not be denied." They were not disappointed. Before the council rose it resolved to make application to the livery companies, and a draft of a letter was prepared. A copy of this letter the lords forwarded to his majesty. In conclusion they a.s.sured the king of the great services done in the matter, more particularly by Garway, the out-going mayor, the Recorder, and the whole bench of aldermen, and suggested the advisability of sending them a letter of thanks. If the letter were addressed to the whole commonalty so much the better. This suggestion was carried out.(418) There was a difficulty about the security for repayment of the loan. It was at one time proposed that the queen's jewels to the value of 100,000 should be taken in pledge, but this suggestion was afterwards disavowed by the city.(419)

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On Michaelmas-day an election of a new mayor took place in succession to Garway. William Acton was the senior alderman below the chair, but he was set aside and Edmund Wright and Thomas Soame were returned by the Common Hall. The former was selected by the Court of Aldermen. This much and no more we learn from the City's own record of the election.(420) From other sources, however, it appears that the election was a very tumultuous one; that the wishes of Charles were consulted, and that Acton was elected and was afterwards discharged by parliament.(421)

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The loss of an adherent in the mayor of London did not affect Charles so much as the immediate cutting down of the promised loan to the modest sum of 50,000, an event which followed, if it were not occasioned by, the election of Wright. The delay, moreover, in forwarding to the city the writs for the parliament had created a general impression that the promise of a parliament was a mere device to get money.(422) The king determined to take no notice of the City's withdrawal from its original undertaking, but sent another letter "to quicken the business by reason of the straitness of time."(423)

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It only remained for Charles to make the best terms with the Scots that he could. Negotiations were accordingly opened at Ripon by commissioners appointed by both parties (2 Oct.), with the result that a cessation of arms, under certain conditions, was agreed to until a permanent treaty could be arranged in London (21 Oct.).

CHAPTER XXII.

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Parliament-the Long Parliament-met as promised on the 3rd November, 1640.

Charles had intended to nominate Sir Thomas Gardiner, the Recorder, a devoted adherent of the Crown, as Speaker of the Commons; but since the days of Heneage Finch the City had failed to return its Recorder to parliament.(424) Charles was therefore obliged to look elsewhere. His choice fell upon William Lenthall, who was the first to realise the position of a Speaker in times of political controversy, and who throughout his career acted up to his famous dictum, that "he had neither eyes to see nor tongue to speak, save as the House was pleased to direct him."

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As soon as parliament met, Strafford, who was only too conscious of his impending fate, determined to take the bull by the horns, and to use every means to induce the king to antic.i.p.ate the blow by boldly accusing the parliamentary leaders of treasonable designs. His efforts were futile.

Rightly or wrongly, it was generally believed that he intended to establish a military despotism in England, and that London was to be brought into subjection. The way in which it was all to be effected was even described by Cradock, one of the city members, in a speech he made to the House. It is certain that the citizens regarded him as a deadly foe.

They had not forgotten the advice he gave to Charles respecting the aldermen, nor his attempt to ruin their trade by depreciation of the coinage. For weeks past the city had been in a disordered state. On the 22nd October, the mob having forced its way into the Court of High Commission, some of the offenders were brought before the mayor and aldermen sitting on a commission of Oyer and Terminer; but the grand jury refused to find a true bill. These abortive proceedings were followed by a riot at St. Paul's.(425) Before the House had been in session a fortnight Strafford was ordered into custody.

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