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After more than one consultation together, the English commanders determined to resort to stratagem. They sent for a number of useless hulks from Dover, and having filled them with every kind of combustible, sent them all aflame on Sunday night into the thick of the enemy. The result was a panic; cables were cut and frantic attempts made to escape what seemed imminent and wholesale destruction. The ships fell foul of each other; some were wrecked and others burnt. When Monday morning dawned only eighty-six vessels out of 124 that had anch.o.r.ed off Calais thirty-six hours before could be found, and these for the most part were seen driving towards the coast of Flanders. The English fleet at once prepared to follow in pursuit, but attention was for a time drawn off to the action of the flagship of the squadron of galea.s.ses, a huge vessel which had become disabled by loss of rudder, and the crew of which were endeavouring by the aid of oars to bring into Calais harbour. The Lord Admiral Howard at once bore down upon her in the _Ark_, but the water proved too shallow. The London ship _Margaret and John_ followed suit and, although of less tonnage than the _Ark_, got aground. Richard Tomson sent home a graphic account of the exploit that followed.(1673) Both ships sent out long boats to capture the rich prize as she lay stuck fast upon the harbour bar.
Tomson himself formed one of the little band of volunteers. The boats were soon alongside the galea.s.s, its huge sides towering high above them. There then ensued "a pretty skirmish for half-an-hour," wrote Tomson, "but they seemed safely ensconced in their ships, while we in our open pinnaces and far under them had nothing to shroud and cover us." Fortune at last favoured the attackers. The Spanish commander fell dead on his deck with a bullet through his head. A panic seized the sailors, most of whom jumped overboard and tried by swimming and wading to reach the sh.o.r.e. Some succeeded, but many were drowned; whilst those who remained on board signified their readiness to capitulate by hoisting a couple of "handkerchers" on rapiers. The English lost no time in clambering up the sides of the monster, and at once commenced plundering the vessel and releasing the galley slaves. They were only waiting for the tide to take their prize in tow and carry her off when they were warned by the governor of Calais against making any such attempt. They were free to plunder the vessel if they liked, but make prize of the vessel itself they must not, and this order the governor showed himself ready and able to enforce by opening fire from the fort. Tomson and his fellow volunteers were heartily disgusted at having after all to surrender their prize, "the verye glory and staye of the Spanish armye, a thing of very great value and strength."
(M810)
This exploit being ended and the long boats having returned to their respective ships, the lord admiral started in pursuit of the Spaniards.
Seeing them coming up the Spanish commander immediately prepared for action. An engagement-described by Hawkins as "a long and great fight"-took place off Gravelines and lasted six hours. The English pursued the same tactics as before, and with like success. Without losing a single ship of their own they succeeded in riddling the best Spanish ships through and through, and at last the Armada was forced to bear away towards the open sea. The English followed and made a pretence of keeping up the attack, but by this time nearly all their ammunition as well as food had given out.
(M811)
From Tuesday (30 July) until the following Friday (2 Aug.) the pursuit was, nevertheless, maintained by Howard, Drake and Frobisher. On Sunday (4 Aug.) the strong south-wester which had prevailed rose to a gale, and the English fleet made its way home with difficulty. It was otherwise with the Armada. Crippled and forlorn, without pilots and without competent commander, the great fleet was driven northward past the Hebrides and eventually returned home in a decimated condition by the west coast of Ireland.
(M812)
In the meantime the civic authorities took order for receiving the sick and wounded and administering to their comfort. Two aldermen-Sir Thomas Pullison and Sir Wolstan Dixie-were deputed (29 July) by their brethren to ride abroad among the innholders, brewers, bakers and butchers of the city to see that they did not enhance the price of provisions and that they well entertained all soldiers who arrived in the city.(1674) The City agreed, moreover, to re-victual the ships it had furnished and to provide them with munition and other requisites. A fresh tax was imposed for the purpose of "marine and land affairs."(1675)
(M813)
It was a long time before any certain news arrived in the city of the ultimate fate of the Armada. There had been rumours abroad that the English fleet had been victorious-with so many Londoners serving in the fleet, it would have been strange indeed if their friends at home had been kept in absolute ignorance of what was taking place in the channel-and bonfires had been lighted, but these rumours were often incorrect and sometimes lead to mischief. The mayor therefore issued his precept to the aldermen on the 30th July-the day after the engagement off Gravelines-bidding them see that the inhabitants of their several wards refrained from crediting any news that might be reported of the vessels at sea but what they received from the mayor himself. The precaution was necessary "for the avoyding of some dislike that may come thereof."(1676) On the 1st August, so critical were the times, the mayor issued a precept by the queen's orders forbidding householders to quit the city, that they might the better be ready for the queen's service if required.(1677) On the 4th the citizens were informed that if they had any friend or servant detained as prisoner in the Spanish dominion, or bound to the galleys, whom they wished to set free, they might have Spanish prisoners allotted to them to a.s.sist towards ransom.(1678)
(M814)
The first public notification of the complete destruction of the Armada was made in a thanksgiving sermon preached by the Dean of St. Paul's on Tuesday, the 20th August, at Paul's Cross, in the presence of the mayor and aldermen and the livery companies in their best gowns.(1679) In November the queen resolved to attend a public thanksgiving service at St.
Paul's in person, Monday, the 18th, being the day that was originally fixed. Great preparations were made for the occasion. The livery companies were ordered to take up their appointed stations at eight o'clock in the morning and to follow in the train of the royal procession until the "preaching place" was reached. Places were to be kept by a detachment of the "yeomanry" of each company sent on at six o'clock for that purpose.
The "governors of the hospital" of each company were also to attend, staff in hand, and repair to the "skaffold" for them appointed. After dinner the companies were to return immediately to their stations and to wait there until her majesty returned to Somerset House.(1680) The day was afterwards changed from Monday, the 18th, to Sunday, the 24th, when the queen came in great state to St. Paul's. After prayers she took her seat in a closet built out of the north wall of the church and facing Paul's Cross, where she heard a sermon preached by the Bishop of Salisbury. That being over she was entertained at dinner in the bishop's palace, and afterwards returned to Somerset House.(1681)
(M815)
Whilst the City is justly proud of its own share in the defence of the kingdom at this great crisis in the nation's history, it has not neglected to give honour where honour was most due. Of the great naval commanders the "sea dogs" of that age-the faces of at least two of them were familiar to the citizens. Both Frobisher and Hawkins owned property in the city, and in all probability resided there, like their fellow seaman and explorer, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, who was living in Red Cross Street, in the parish of St. Giles, Cripplegate, in 1583, the year that he met his death at sea.(1682) The same parish claims Frobisher, whose remains (excepting his entrails, which were interred at Plymouth, where he died) lie buried in St. Giles's Church, and to whom a mural monument was erected by the vestry in 1888, just three centuries after the defeat of the Armada, to which he had contributed so much. If Hawkins himself did not reside in the city, his widow had a mansion house in Mincing Lane.(1683) He, too, had probably lived there, for although he died and was buried at sea, a monument was erected to his memory and that of Katherine, his first wife, in the church of St. Dunstan-in-the-East.(1684) There is one other-a citizen of London and son of an alderman-whose name has been handed down as having taken an active part in the defence of the kingdom at this time, not at sea, but on land. A monument in the recently restored church of St.
Helen, Bishopsgate, tells us that Martin Bond, son of Alderman William Bond, "was captaine in ye yeare 1588 at ye campe at Tilbury, and after remained chief captaine of ye trained bands of this citty until his death." The monument represents him as sitting in a tent guarded by two sentinels, with a page holding a horse.
(M816)
It was well that the Spaniards suffered defeat at sea, for had they been able to effect a landing they would have made short work with the half-trained and dissatisfied soldiers in the camp at Tilbury, and London would have been at their mercy. Even the presence of Elizabeth herself, riding on horseback through the camp, as she did on the 8th August, was but poor compensation to the soldiers for the want of victuals and wages.
Many sold their armour and weapons to pay themselves as soon as the camp broke up. Citizens of London were warned by royal proclamation (20 Aug.)(1685) against purchasing armour and weapons offered by soldiers, who were declared to "have most falsly and slanderously given out that they weare compelled to make sale of them for that they receaved noe pay, which is most untruely reported." Any armour or weapons bought before publication of the proclamation was to be delivered up to the mayor with particulars as to the way the purchase had been effected and compensation would be allowed.
(M817)
Notwithstanding the extreme parsimony with which Elizabeth had fitted out both army and navy, the cost of preparations to meet the attack of Spain had been great, and she was obliged to borrow money. In September (1588) the City advanced her the sum of 30,000, receiving her bond for repayment in the following March; and in the following December she borrowed a further sum of 20,000 to be repaid by the following April. Both sums were raised among the livery companies.(1686)
(M818)
In March of the following year (1589) parliament granted a liberal supply, but the grant was accompanied by a request that Elizabeth would no longer await the a.s.saults of Spain, but carry the war into the enemy's country.
This the queen declared her inability to undertake on the score of poverty. She promised, however, to give what a.s.sistance she could to any of her subjects who relished such enterprise. Norris and Drake were at hand, ready and willing to undertake the work on these terms. Already (in January) the City had been called upon to furnish them with 400 strong and able men.(1687) At the end of March 1,000 more were required, and each alderman was instructed to search in his ward for all able and masterless men and all other persons fit for service that were householders and not charged with families, and to bring them to the Leadenhall.(1688) With these and other forces the expedition set sail, but beyond storming Vigo and committing some damage at Corunna, it accomplished nothing and returned in July.
(M819)
Again the city was threatened with danger and disease from the presence of disbanded soldiers and sailors, who were apt to carry their freebooting habits wherever they went, more especially when starvation stared them in the face. Sir Martin Calthorp did what he could to relieve them, paying out of his own pocket no less a sum than 100. His conduct was applauded by the lords of the council, who authorised him to raise a further sum towards a.s.sisting the soldiers to their homes in the country by allowing them a half-penny a mile.(1689)
(M820)
A royal proclamation was subsequently (20 Aug.) issued promising payment of any money due to mariners who would make a written application to the Admiralty. Soldiers were to return to the country where they had been pressed and apply to the justices or other officers who pressed them, and who would make a certificate to the lieutenant of the county, when the soldiers would receive "reasonable contentment."(1690) This, however, failed entirely to remedy the evil.(1691) Four days before this proclamation precept had been issued to the aldermen for a good and substantial double watch to be kept throughout the night of the 16th August until noon of the next day. There had been a report abroad of a large meeting of soldiers and sailors to take place as early as five o'clock on the morning of the 17th in the neighbourhood of Tower Hill.(1692)
(M821)
The revolution which followed the a.s.sa.s.sination of the French king by Jaques Clements about this time (Aug., 1589) brought fresh anxiety to Elizabeth, who felt bound to support the Protestant Henry of Navarre with all the means at her command, as an indirect way of carrying on the war against Spain. Four thousand men were to be despatched for his a.s.sistance, 1,000 of whom the City was called upon to supply. As they were to be picked men the lords of the council ordered double the number, or 2,000 men, to be got ready, in order that expert officers might review them and select the number required.(1693) The demand was enforced by a letter from the queen herself, in which she drew attention to the necessity of a.s.sisting one whose preservation was of so much importance to England.(1694) The city's gates were at once closed by the mayor's orders to prevent the exodus of "l.u.s.ty, strong, able and young men" to avoid service.(1695) Although Henry IV was materially a.s.sisted by the arrival of English troops, their operations were chiefly confined to Normandy.
(M822)
A further contingent of 400 men was shortly afterwards (22 June) demanded by the queen, 300 of which were to be got ready at once. More care than usual was to be bestowed on their selection, as they were to be employed under the Earl of Ess.e.x,(1696) with whom the City happened at this time to be out of favour. What was the precise cause of the City's disgrace does not appear; we only know that the civic authorities were anxious to recover the good will of one so near the person of the sovereign, and to this end made him a "small present," thanking him for his past services, for the general defence of the realm, and of all Christian estates professing the Gospel and true religion of Almighty G.o.d, and a.s.suring him that they were not so much presenting him with money, in sending him a gratuity, as with "the hart of the citie." They begged that if some private offence had been given to his lordship he would "wrappe it up" in this public testimony of their hearty good wills.(1697)
(M823)
In the meantime the Common Council had, at the queen's request, agreed (16 June) to fit out six ships of war and one pinnace at a cost of 7,400, to be levied on the companies. This sum was afterwards raised to 8,000.(1698) Towards the close of the year (9 Nov.) the lord mayor and sheriffs were called upon to levy 200 able men to be "pioners." They were to be chosen out of the city of London and the county of Middles.e.x, and to be despatched to Dieppe for service under the Earl of Ess.e.x "a service vearie necessarie and we hope not of any long continuaunce,"(1699) wrote the queen. In addition to men, the queen wanted money; and the Common Council agreed (18 Sept.) to lend her 20,000 for three months, afterwards renewed for six months.(1700)
(M824)
In the meantime Spanish emissaries, disguised as soldiers, mariners, merchants, gentlemen with comely apparel, and even as "gallantes," decked out in colours and feathers, had been doing the work of Philip silently but surely. Some had resorted to the Universities; some to the Inns of Court; whilst others had insinuated themselves into private families; but wherever they took up their abode, and in whatsoever capacity, their one aim and object had been to seduce the queen's subjects from their allegiance. So successful had been their efforts that Philip meditated another attack on England in 1592. At length commissioners were appointed in all parts of the country to search for these "venemous vipers."
Householders were at the same time directed to enquire into the antecedents of those who lodged with them, and to mark if they attended Divine Service or not. A register or calendar of particulars respecting them was to be kept, to be shown on demand.(1701) Here is a description of one whose arrest was desired in 1596:-"A yonge man of meane and slender stature aged about xxvjtie wth a high collored face, red nose, a warte over his left eye, havinge two greate teeth before standinge out very apparant, he nameth himselffe Edward Harrison borne in Westmerland, apparelled in a crane collored fustian dublet, rounde hose, after the frenche facion, an olde paire of yollowe knit neather stockes, he escaped wthout either cloake, girdle, garters or shoes."(1702)
(M825)
Whilst all exportation of munitions of war, corn and other victual into Spain or Portugal was strictly forbidden,(1703) the merchants of London, as well as n.o.blemen and wealthy country gentlemen, were encouraged to deal blows at the enemy by fitting out privateers for scouring the Spanish Main.(1704) Many a rich prize was thus brought home, the spoil being divided by specially appointed commissioners,(1705) whose duty it was, among other things, to see that the Crown was not defrauded of the custom due upon the goods thus captured."(1706) The "fleet of the city of London"
was very successful in this kind of work, and a sum of 6,000 fell to its lot as prize-money in 1591. This sum was ventured again in an expedition undertaken by Raleigh in the following year,(1707) with the result that the City netted no less a sum than 12,000, its share of the spoil of a rich "carraque" that Raleigh had captured.(1708)
(M826)
This lucky windfall befell the citizens at a time when money was sorely needed for building a pest-house or hospital for sufferers from the plague, which again visited the city at the close of 1592.(1709) The cost of such a building was estimated at 6,000. Various schemes were proposed for raising the money. At one time (July, 1593) it was resolved that the several livery companies which had taken shares in Raleigh's venture should contribute twelvepence in the pound of their clear gain towards the object.(1710) Later on (May, 1594) the companies were called upon to contribute one-third of their clear gain. Even this proved insufficient, and had to be supplemented by a "benevolence" in each ward.(1711) Another year went by, and the hospital was still unfinished.(1712)
(M827)
The strain which the continuation of the war and the threatened renewal of a Spanish invasion imposed upon the inhabitants of London at large was a great one, and appears to have affected the mind of a weak and hysterical woman, Anne Burnell. She gave out that she was a daughter of the king of Spain, and that the arms of England and Spain were to be seen, like _stigmata_, upon her back, as was vouched for by her servant Alice Digges.
After medical examination, which proved her statement to be "false and proceedinge of some lewde and imposterouse pretence," she and her maid were ordered to be whipt,-"ther backes only beeinge layd bare,"-at the cart's tail through the city on a market day, "with a note in writinge uppon the hinder part of there heades shewinge the cawse of there saide punishmente."(1713)
(M828)
On the 16th July, 1594, the queen informed the citizens by letter of the king of Spain having made preparations to get possession of the harbour of Brest, and her determination to oppose him. She had given orders for certain companies of soldiers to be levied in divers counties, and she called upon the citizens to furnish her with a contingent of 450 men. They were to be well trained and supplied with armour and weapons; their "coate and conduct monye" would be found for them.(1714) The Court of Common Council met on the following day and agreed to provide the number of soldiers required.(1715) It had already (15 July) agreed to furnish six ships and two pinnaces for her majesty's service,(1716) which William Garraway and other owners of ships contracted to find for the sum of 5,000.(1717)
(M829)
On Michaelmas-day (1594) John Spencer-"Rich Spencer" as he was called, from his extraordinary wealth-was elected mayor for the ensuing year.(1718) His daughter, much against her father's will, married Lord Compton. To thwart the matrimonial designs of a n.o.bleman was in those days a perilous task, and Alderman Spencer was committed to the Fleet "for a contempt" in endeavouring to conceal his daughter. "Our Sir John Spencer, of London"-writes John Chamberlain(1719) to Dudley Carleton (15 March, 1599)-"was the last weeke committed to the Fleet for a contempt and hiding away his daughter, who, they say, is contracted to the Lord Compton; but now he is out again, and by all meanes seekes to hinder the match, alledging a precontract to Sir Arthur Henningham's sonne. But upon his beating and misusing her she was sequestred to one Barkers, a proctor, and from thence to Sir Henry Billingsleyes,(1720) where she yet remaines till the matter be tried. If the obstinate and self-willed fellow shold persist in his doggednes (as he protests he will) and geve her nothing, the poore lord shold have a warme catch."
A few weeks after Spencer's confinement in the Fleet we find him at variance with his brother aldermen for digging a pit on his estate near "Canbury," or Canonbury, and thereby drawing off water which should have gone to supply the poor of St. Bartholomew's Hospital to his own mansion.
A request was sent to him by the mayor and Court of Aldermen to cease the conveyance of water until further order had been taken therein.(1721) Two years later his "doggednes" once more got him into trouble, and he was committed to Wood Street Compter for refusing to pay certain small sums of money due from him towards furnishing soldiers and armour.(1722) He died the 30th March, 1609, leaving behind him 80,000.
His daughter, who inherited her father's money, was possessed also of some of her father's spirit, and Lord Compton appears to have got "a warme catch" indeed to judge from a letter she addressed to him soon after her father's death. After reminding her "sweete life" of the care she had ever taken of his estate and of her excellent behaviour, she begs him to allow her 1,600 per annum, to be paid quarterly, besides 600 a year for charitable works. She will have three horses for her own saddle "that none shall dare to lend or borrow; none lend but I, none borrow but you." She will have so many gentlemen and so many gentlewomen to wait upon her at home, whilst riding, hunting, hawking or travelling. When on the road she will have laundresses "sent away with the carriages to see all safe," and chambermaids sent before with the grooms that the chambers may be ready, sweet and clean. Seeing that her requests are so reasonable she expects her husband to find her children in apparel and schooling, and all her servants in wages. She concludes by declaring her will to have her houses handsomely furnished, not omitting "silver warming pans," warns her husband against lending money to the lord chamberlain, and prays him to increase her allowance and double her attendance on his becoming an earl.(1723)
(M830)
Spencer was succeeded in the mayoralty by Sir Stephen Slaney, and the latter's year of office proved a busy one. Spain was meditating another descent on England "with a greate navy of shippes by sea and huge powers of men by lande," and the City was expected to furnish sixteen ships and 10,000 men for land service. The naval demand was extravagant, and after some remonstrance was reduced to one for twelve ships and two pinnaces, with a complement of 1,200 men.(1724) The City made an attempt to get a reduction made also in the land force, but with what success is not clear.