London and the Kingdom Volume I Part 33

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That Wyatt still had friends in the city is shown by the bold att.i.tude taken up by the jury in the trial (17 April) of one of his accomplices, Nicholas Throckmorton, against whom they brought in a verdict of not guilty.(1407) For this they were bound over to appear before the Star Chamber. Four of the twelve made submission; the rest, among whom were Thomas Whetstone, a haberdasher, and Emanuel Lucar, a merchant tailor, were committed some to the Tower and the rest to the Fleet, where they remained for six months. In the meantime the Court of Aldermen wrote (19 July) to the council in their favour, but with little success.(1408) A month later (19 August) a deputation waited on the Court of Aldermen for advice as to what future steps had best be taken for obtaining the release of their brethren in the Fleet, when they were told that the wives of the prisoners or the prisoners' friends should first make suit to the council for their release, after which the court would see what they could do.(1409) At length the prisoners were summoned once more (26 Oct.) before the Star Chamber, when they one and all declared that they had only acted in accordance with their conscience, whilst Lucar, more outspoken than the rest, a.s.serted that "they had done in the matter like honest men and true and faithful subjects." Such plain speaking ill suited the judges, who thereupon condemned the offenders to a fine of 1,000 marks apiece and imprisonment until further order. Eventually five out of the eight were discharged (12 December) on payment of a fine of 220, and ten days later the rest regained their liberty on payment of 60 apiece.(1410)

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A parliament which met in April (1554)(1411) gave its consent to Mary's marriage with Philip, but refused to re-enact the old statutes for the persecution of heretics. On the 19th July Philip landed at Southampton, and on the 21st Mary herself notified the event to the citizens of London,(1412) who for some time past had been making preparations for giving both queen and king a fitting reception, and who immediately on receipt of the news of Philip's landing caused bonfires to be lighted in the streets.(1413)

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Mary rode down to Winchester to meet Philip,(1414) and on the 25th became his wife. It was not until the 17th August that the royal pair approached the city. On that day they came by water from Richmond to Southwark, the king in one barge, the queen in another. After taking refreshment at the Bishop of Winchester's palace, and killing a buck or two in the bishop's park, they retired to rest.(1415) Special orders were given to the aldermen to keep a good and substantial double watch in the city from nine o'clock in the evening (17 Aug.) until five o'clock the next morning, such watch to continue until further notice.(1416) The authorities differ widely as to the precise day on which the royal party pa.s.sed through the city. The city's own records point to the afternoon of Sunday the 19th August as the day. On the morning of that day the Court of Aldermen sat, and a letter from the queen commending them for their forwardness in "making shewes of honour and gladnes" for the occasion was read to the wardens of all the companies for them to communicate to the members. The wardens were further enjoined to give strict orders to the members of their several companies to honestly use and entreat the Spaniards in all things, both at their coming in with the king and queen and ever afterwards. The same morning a speech which the Recorder had prepared for the occasion in English was handed over to the master of St. Paul's School to be turned into Latin. None too much time was allowed the worthy pedagogue for the purpose, for he was to give it back that same afternoon so that the Recorder might "make and p.r.o.nounce yt to the kinges majesty at his comynge in."(1417)

A curious incident is related in connection with the royal procession through the city. The conduit in Gracious Church Street, which had been newly painted and gilded, bore representations of the "nine worthies," and among them Henry the Eighth and Edward the Sixth. Instead of carrying a sword or mace like the rest, Henry had been portrayed with a sceptre in one hand and a book bearing the inscription _Verb.u.m Dei_ in the other.

This catching the eye of Bishop Gardiner as he pa.s.sed in the royal train, he was very wroth and sent for the painter, asked him by whose orders he had so depicted the king, called him "traitor" and threatened him with the Fleet prison. The poor painter, who for the first time had been made to realise the change that was taking place, pleaded that what he had done had been done in all innocence, and hastened to rectify his mistake by removing the bible from the picture and subst.i.tuting in its place a pair of gloves.(1418)

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In November (1554) a new parliament(1419) was called, which proved more ready than the last to comply with the queen's wishes. It re-enacted the statutes for burning heretics and agreed to a reconciliation of the Church of England with the See of Rome, but it refused to sanction the surrender of Church lands. Bonner had already taken steps to purge his diocese of heresy by issuing a series of articles (14 Sept.) to which every inhabitant, clerical and lay, was expected to conform.(1420) That there was room for improvement in matters touching religion and public decorum there is no doubt, otherwise there would have been no need of proclamations such as those against the arrest of persons whilst conducting service in church,(1421) against wrangling over pa.s.sages of scripture in common taverns and victualling houses,(1422) or against carrying of baskets of provisions and leading mules, horses or other beasts through St. Paul's.(1423)

The mayor and aldermen endeavoured to set a good example by constant attendance at the services and by joining in processions at St. Paul's as in former days.(1424) The law forbidding the eating of meat in Lent, except by special licence, was vigorously enforced.(1425) Ale-houses and taverns were closed on Sundays and holy days, and interludes were forbidden.(1426)

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Nevertheless the attempt to restore the old worship within the city was often met with scornful mockery, sometimes attended with violence. A dead cat, for instance, was one day found hanging in Cheapside, its head shorn in imitation of a priest's tonsure, and its body clothed in a mock ecclesiastical vestment, with cross before and behind, whilst a piece of white paper to represent a singing-cake was placed between its forefeet, which had been tied together. Bonner was very angry at this travesty of religion, and caused the effigy to be publicly displayed at Paul's Cross during sermon time. A reward of twenty marks was offered for the discovery of this atrocious act, but with what success we do not know.(1427)

On another occasion, when the Holy Sacrament was being carried in solemn procession through Smithfield on Corpus Christi-day (24 May), an attempt was made to knock the holy elements out of the hands of the priest. The offender was taken to Newgate, where he feigned to be mad.(1428) Again, on the following Easter-day a priest was fiercely attacked by a man with a wood-knife whilst administering the sacrament in the church of St.

Margaret, Westminster. The culprit was seized, and after trial and conviction paid the penalty of his crime by being burned at the stake.(1429) A pudding was once offered to a priest whilst walking in a religious procession,(1430) the offender being afterwards whipt at the "Post of Reformation," which had been set up in Cheapside in 1553.(1431) But all this defiance shown to Mary's attempt to restore the old worship only led her to exercise more drastic methods for accomplishing her purpose.

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By the opening of 1555 her own strong personal will had overcome the conciliatory policy of her husband, who was content to restrain his fanaticism within the limits of expediency, and the Marian persecution commenced. On the 25th January a proclamation was issued in the name of the king and queen, and bearing the signature of William Blackwell, the town clerk of the city, enjoining the lighting of bonfires that afternoon in various places in token of great joy and gladness for the abolition of sundry great sins, errors and heresies which lately had arisen within the realm of England, and for the quiet renovation and rest.i.tution of the true Catholic faith of Christ and his holy religion.(1432) This proclamation was but a prelude to other fires lighted for a very different purpose, which the mind even at this day cannot contemplate without a shudder. The first victim of the flames for conscience sake was John Rogers, once vicar of St. Sepulchre's church and prebendary of St. Paul's. He was burnt in Smithfield "for gret herysy" in February of this year, in which month Hooper, who had been deprived of his bishopric of Gloucester, suffered the same fate in his own cathedral city.(1433) In the following May another city vicar, John Cardmaker, otherwise known as John Taylor of St. Bride's, who had been a reader at St. Paul's and had publicly lectured against the real presence, was burnt in Smithfield with John Warne, an "upholder" of Walbrook.(1434)

Few weeks pa.s.sed without the fire claiming some human victim either in London or the provinces. On the 9th February Thomas Tomkins, a G.o.dly and charitable weaver of Sh.o.r.editch, and William Hunter, a young London apprentice, were with four others condemned to the stake. The two named met their fate in Smithfield, one on the 16th March and the other on the 26th. The rest were removed into Ess.e.x and there consigned to the flames, three of them in March and one in the following June.(1435)

In October Bishops Latimer and Ridley were burnt at Oxford. "Be of good comfort, Master Ridley, and play the man"-cried Latimer encouragingly to his fellow sufferer-"we shall this day light such a candle, by G.o.d's grace, in England as I trust shall never be put out." In March of the following year (1556) Cranmer, after some display of weakness, suffered the same fate, on the same spot, and with no less fort.i.tude. And thus for two years more the fires were kept alive in London and in the country; the Lollard's tower at St. Paul's serving as a prison for heretics,(1436) and proving more often than not but a step to Smithfield.

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Throughout Mary's reign the strife between the citizens and merchant strangers was renewed. She had herself added to the evil by her marriage with Philip, causing the city to be flooded with Spaniards, who took up their abode in the halls of the civic companies.(1437) A rumour got abroad early in September, 1554, that 12,000 Spaniards were coming over "to fethe the crown,"(1438) and this accounts for precepts being sent to the several aldermen of the city on the 27th September enjoining them to make a return of the number of foreigners that had come to reside in their ward during the past nine or ten days, and whence they came.(1439) The favour shown by the Crown to the merchants of the Steelyard was especially annoying to the freemen of the city.(1440) It was to little purpose that the mayor and aldermen issued orders from time to time against giving work to foreigners and prohibiting all such from opening shops within the city.(1441) The struggle between citizen and stranger still went on. In 1557 the corporation made an effort to induce the king and queen to revoke the favours shown to the merchants of the Steelyard in prejudice of the liberties of the city,(1442) and eventually the privileges were revoked on the ground that the merchants of the Hanse had not kept faith with the Crown.(1443) In the same year the exclusiveness entertained by the citizens towards foreigners made itself felt more particularly against that cla.s.s of foreigner which kept open school in the city for teaching writing. Certain scriveners, freemen of the city, made a complaint before the Court of Aldermen against foreigners keeping writing-school within the city and its liberties.(1444) The chamberlain's conduct of shutting in the shop windows of foreigners teaching children to write was approved by the mayor and aldermen,(1445) whilst freemen were allowed to keep open school provided they entered into a bond not to engross deeds.(1446) Occasionally foreigners were successful in obtaining licences from the civic authorities for teaching writing, but it was only on condition they kept their lower windows closed.(1447)

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In the meantime the disposition of the queen towards heretics became more relentless in proportion as her temper became more soured from ill-health, by disappointment in not having off-spring, and by the increasing neglect of her by her husband. Tired of her importunate love and jealousy, Philip took the first opportunity of quitting her side and crossed over to the continent (4 Sept., 1555) on a visit to the Emperor Charles. The abdication of the latter towards the close of 1556 made Philip master of the richest and most extensive dominions in Europe, and his greatest wish at the time was to engage England in the war which was kindled between Spain and France. In this he received the support of Mary, who had in August (1556) succeeded in obtaining a loan from the city of 6,000.(1448) The seizure of the castle of Scarborough by Thomas Stafford,(1449) second son of Lord Stafford, in which he was reported to have received encouragement from the King of France, was made a _casus belli_, and Henry was proclaimed an open enemy (7 June, 1557).(1450) French subjects were allowed forty days to quit the country, and letters of marque were issued by proclamation on the 9th June.(1451) On the 5th July Philip once more left England for Flanders,(1452) having succeeded in the object for which he had come, viz., the declaration of war against France.

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The citizens of London at once began to take stock of their munitions of war. On the 22nd June the Chamberlain was instructed to prepare with all convenient speed four dozen good _splentes_ and as many good _sallettes_ or _sculles_ for the city's use, and to cause a bowyer to "peruse" the city's bows and to put them in such good order that they might be serviceable when required.(1453) In the following month a large force crossed over to France under the leadership of Lords Pembroke, Montagu and Clinton. To this force the City of London contributed a contingent of 500 men, the best (according to Machyn(1454)) that had ever been sent. They mustered at the Leadenhall on the 16th July in the presence of Sir Thomas Offley,(1455) the mayor, the sheriffs and Sir Richard Lee, and were conveyed thence by water to Gravesend and Rochester under the charge of ten officers, whose names are duly recorded.(1456)

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On the last day of July the queen informed the civic authorities by letter of the departure of her "deerest lord and husband" to pursue the enemy in France, and desired them to get in readiness 1,000 men, a portion of whom were to be hors.e.m.e.n, well horsed and armed, and the rest to be archers, pikes and billmen. The force was to be ready by the 16th August at the latest, after which date it was to be prepared to set out at a day's notice. The letter contained a schedule of names of individuals to whom the queen had made special application, and these were not to be called upon by the munic.i.p.al officers to make any contribution, neither were the tenants of those n.o.blemen and gentlemen already on active service in France.(1457)

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The Court of Aldermen was taken aback at such a demand coming so soon after the setting out of the previous force, and on the 4th August it instructed the Recorder and one of the sheriffs to repair to the queen's council "for the good and suer understandyng of her majesty's pleasure" in the matter. The deputation was further instructed to remind the lords of the council not only of the ancient liberties and franchises of the city on the point, but also of the city's lack of power to furnish a number of men exceeding any it had ever been called upon to furnish before.(1458) It was all to no purpose; the men had to be provided; and the matter having been fully explained to the wardens of the several livery companies, they succeeded in raising the force required.(1459)

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The defeat of the French king at St. Quentin was celebrated in the city by a solemn procession to St. Paul's, in which figured the mayor and aldermen in their scarlet gowns.(1460) The joy of the citizens was shortlived.

Philip's caution did not allow him to avail himself of the opportunity thus offered him of marching on the French capital, and before the end of the year matters had taken a different turn.

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In December a Spaniard named Ferdinando Lygons was commissioned to raise 300 mounted archers in the city of London and county of Middles.e.x.(1461) At the opening of the new year (2 Jan., 1558) the queen wrote to the corporation desiring to be at once furnished with 500 men out of the 1,000 men the city had been ordered to keep in readiness since July. As the matter was urgent they were not to wait to supply the men with coats.(1462) The force was required for the defence of Calais, which was now in a critical position. On the 9th January another letter was sent by Mary marked, _Hast, Hast Post, Hast, For lief, For lief, For lief, For lief!_ demanding the full contingent of 1,000 men.(1463) Calais had fallen two days before,(1464) and Mary was determined not to rest until the town had been recovered. Diligent search was at once inst.i.tuted throughout the city for all persons, strangers as well as freemen, capable of wearing harness;(1465) and the livery companies and fellowships were called upon to provide double the number of men they had furnished in July last.(1466) On the 13th the queen wrote to say that a violent storm, which had occurred on the night of the 10th January, had so crippled the fleet that her forces could not be conveyed across the channel; the civic authorities were therefore to withhold sending their force to the sea-coast until further orders, but to keep the same in readiness to start at an hour's notice.(1467) On the 19th January the citizens were informed by letter that Philip's forces were on their way to Flanders, under the Duke of Savoy, and that the channel was being kept open by a fleet under Don Luis Carvaial. One half of the force of 1,000 men, furnished with armour and weapons and coats of white welted with green and red crosses, was to be despatched to Dover by the end of the month, thence to sail for Dunkirk for service under the Earl of Rutland. The City was to take especial care that the contingent should be chosen from the handsomest and best picked men, and superior to those last sent.(1468) The force mustered at the Leadenhall, the 24th January, for inspection by the mayor, and at five o'clock in the evening were delivered over to the captains for shipment.(1469) Three days later the lords of the council instructed the mayor to make a return of the number of foreigners residing still within the city, and to make proclamation on the next market day that it should be lawful thenceforth for anyone to seize the persons of Frenchmen who had not avoided the city pursuant to a previous order, and to confiscate their goods and chattels to his own proper use.(1470)

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Mary succeeded in March in raising a loan in the city of 20,000 (she had asked for 100,000 marks or 75,000(1471)) on the security of the crown lands. The loan bore interest at the rate of twelve per cent., and a special dispensation was granted to avoid the penalties of the Usury Act.(1472) The money was raised by a.s.sessment on the livery companies. On the 16th March the Court of Aldermen summoned the wardens of the twelve princ.i.p.al companies to attend at the Guildhall at eight o'clock the next morning, in order that they might learn how much the lords of the council had "*tottyd*" against each of them towards the loan. The smaller companies were to attend in the afternoon of the same day in order to be informed of the sums the Court of Aldermen deemed fit that each should contribute to a.s.sist their wealthier brethren. The total amount subscribed by the greater companies was 16,983 _6s._ 8_d._, of which the Mercers contributed 3,275. The lesser companies subscribed 1,310, in sums varying from 30 to 500.(1473)

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It is probable that Mary wanted this loan to enable her to prosecute the war. The country was not disposed, however, to a.s.sist her in this direction. The people were afraid of rendering Philip too powerful.

Disappointed both in her public and domestic life, she fell a victim to dropsy and died on the 17th November-"wondering why all that she had done, as she believed on G.o.d's behalf, had been followed by failure on every side-by the desertion of her husband, and the hatred of her subjects." The loss of Calais so much affected her that she declared that the name of the town would be found impressed upon her heart after death. On the occasion of her funeral the City put in its customary claim for black livery cloth, but more than one application had to be made before the cloth was forthcoming.(1474)

CHAPTER XVII.

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The accession of Elizabeth, after the gloomy reign of her sister, was welcomed by none more joyfully than by the citizens of London, who continued to commemorate the day with bonfires and general rejoicing long after the queen had been laid in her grave.(1475) When news was brought of her sister's death Elizabeth was at Hatfield. Within a week she removed to London and took up her abode at the Charterhouse. The sheriffs went out to meet her as far as the boundary of the county of Middles.e.x, the limit of their jurisdiction, dressed in coats of velvet, with their chains about their necks and white rods in their hands. Having first kissed their rods, they handed them to the queen, who immediately returned them, and the sheriffs thereupon joined the gentlemen of the cavalcade and rode before her majesty until they met Sir Thomas Leigh,(1476) the mayor, and his brethren the aldermen. The sheriffs then fell back and took their places among the aldermen.(1477) From the Charterhouse she removed after a stay of a few days to the Tower, amid the blare of trumpets, the singing of children and the firing of ordnance.

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The Court of Common Council (21 Nov.) agreed to levy two fifteenths on the inhabitants of the city for the customary present to be given the new queen on her pa.s.sing through the city to her coronation, which was to take place on the 15th January following, as well as for defraying the costs of pageants on the occasion.(1478) Committees were appointed to see that the several conduits, the Standard and Cross in Cheap, and other parts of the city were seemly trimmed and decked with pageants, fine paintings and rich cloth of Arras, silver and gold, as at the coronation of Queen Mary, and better still if it conveniently could be done.(1479) Among those appointed to devise pageants for the occasion and to act as masters of the ceremony was Richard Grafton, the printer.(1480) Eight commoners were appointed by the Court of Aldermen (17 Dec.) to attend upon the chief butler of England at the cupboard at the coronation banquet.(1481)

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A curious instance of a strike among painters is recorded at this time.

The painters of the city, we are told, utterly refused to fresh paint and trim the great conduit in Cheap for the coronation for the sum of twenty marks. This being the case, the surveyors of the city were instructed to cause the same to be covered with cloth of Arras having escutcheons of the queen's Arms finely made and set therein, and the wardens of the Painters'

Company were called upon to render a.s.sistance with advice and men for reasonable remuneration.(1482)

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The main object which Elizabeth kept before her eyes, from first to last, was the preservation of peace-peace within the Church and without. Her natural inclination was towards the more ornate ritual of the Roman Church, but the necessity she was under of gaining the support of the Protestants, whom even the fires of Smithfield had failed to suppress, inspired restraint. All her actions were marked with caution and deliberation. From the day of her accession religious persecution in its worst form ceased. Non-conformity was no longer punished by death.