Lectures on The Science of Language Part 3

When the Romans, in 454 B. C., wanted to establish a code of laws, the first thing they did was to send commissioners to Greece to report on the laws of Solon at Athens and the laws of other Greek towns.(78) As Rome rose in political power, Greek manners, Greek art, Greek language and literature found ready admittance.(79) Before the beginning of the Punic wars, many of the Roman statesmen were able to understand, and even to speak Greek. Boys were not only taught the Roman letters by their masters, the _literatores_, but they had to learn at the same time the Greek alphabet. Those who taught Greek at Rome were then called _grammatici_, and they were mostly Greek slaves or _liberti_.

Among the young men whom Cato saw growing up at Rome, to know Greek was the same as to be a gentleman. They read Greek books, they conversed in Greek, they even wrote in Greek. Tiberius Gracchus, consul in 177, made a speech in Greek at Rhodes, which he afterwards published.(80) Flaminius, when addressed by the Greeks in Latin, returned the compliment by writing Greek verses in honor of their G.o.ds. The first history of Rome was written at Rome in Greek, by Fabius Pictor,(81) about 200 B. C.; and it was probably in opposition to this work, and to those of Lucius Cincius Alimentus, and Publius Scipio, that Cato wrote his own history of Rome in Latin. The example of the higher cla.s.ses was eagerly followed by the lowest. The plays of Plautus are the best proof; for the affectation of using Greek words is as evident in some of his characters as the foolish display of French in the German writers of the eighteenth century. There was both loss and gain in the inheritance which Rome received from Greece; but what would Rome have been without her Greek masters? The very fathers of Roman literature were Greeks, private teachers, men who made a living by translating school-books and plays. Livius Andronicus, sent as prisoner of war from Tarentum (272 B. C.), established himself at Rome as professor of Greek. His translation of the Odyssey into Latin verse, which marks the beginning of Roman literature, was evidently written by him for the use of his private cla.s.ses. His style, though clumsy and wooden in the extreme, was looked upon as a model of perfection by the rising poets of the capital. Naevius and Plautus were his cotemporaries and immediate successors. All the plays of Plautus were translations and adaptations of Greek originals; and Plautus was not even allowed to transfer the scene from Greece to Rome. The Roman public wanted to see Greek life and Greek depravity; it would have stoned the poet who had ventured to bring on the stage a Roman patrician or a Roman matron. Greek tragedies, also, were translated into Latin. Ennius, the cotemporary of Naevius and Plautus, though somewhat younger (239-169), was the first to translate Euripides.

Ennius, like Andronicus, was an Italian Greek, who settled at Rome as a teacher of languages and translator of Greek. He was patronized by the liberal party, by Publius Scipio, t.i.tus Flaminius, and Marcus Fulvius n.o.bilior.(82) He became a Roman citizen. But Ennius was more than a poet, more than a teacher of languages. He has been called a neologian, and to a certain extent he deserved that name. Two works written in the most hostile spirit against the religion of Greece, and against the very existence of the Greek G.o.ds, were translated by him into Latin.(83) One was the philosophy of _Epicharmus_ (470 B. C., in Megara), who taught that Zeus was nothing but the air, and other G.o.ds but names of the powers of nature; the other the work of _Euhemerus_, of Messene (300 B. C.), who proved, in the form of a novel, that the Greek G.o.ds had never existed, and that those who were believed in as G.o.ds had been men. These two works were not translated without a purpose; and though themselves shallow in the extreme, they proved destructive to the still shallower systems of Roman theology. Greek became synonymous with infidel; and Ennius would hardly have escaped the punishment inflicted on Naevius for his political satires, had he not enjoyed the patronage and esteem of the most influential statesmen at Rome. Even Cato, the stubborn enemy of Greek philosophy(84) and rhetoric, was a friend of the dangerous Ennius; and such was the growing influence of Greek at Rome, that Cato himself had to learn it in his old age, in order to teach his boy what he considered, if not useful, at least harmless in Greek literature. It has been the custom to laugh at Cato for his dogged opposition to everything Greek; but there was much truth in his denunciations. We have heard much of young Bengal-young Hindus who read Byron and Voltaire, play at billiards, drive tandems, laugh at their priests, patronize missionaries, and believe nothing. The description which Cato gives of the young idlers at Rome reminds us very much of young Bengal.

When Rome took the torch of knowledge from the dying hands of Greece, that torch was not burning with its brightest light. Plato and Aristotle had been succeeded by Chrysippus and Carneades; Euripides and Menander had taken the place of aeschylus and Sophocles. In becoming the guardian of the Promethean spark first lighted in Greece, and intended hereafter to illuminate not only Italy, but every country of Europe, Rome lost much of that native virtue to which she owed her greatness. Roman frugality and gravity, Roman citizenship and patriotism, Roman purity and piety, were driven away by Greek luxury and levity, Greek intriguing and self-seeking, Greek vice and infidelity. Restrictions and anathemas were of no avail; and Greek ideas were never so attractive as when they had been reprobated by Cato and his friends. Every new generation became more and more impregnated with Greek. In 131(85) we hear of a consul (Publius Cra.s.sus) who, like another Mezzofanti, was able to converse in the various dialects of Greek. Sulla allowed foreign amba.s.sadors to speak Greek before the Roman senate.(86) The Stoic philosopher Panaetius(87) lived in the house of the Scipios, which was for a long time the rendezvous of all the literary celebrities at Rome. Here the Greek historian Polybius, and the philosopher Cleitomachus, Lucilius the satirist, Terence the African poet (196-159), and the improvisatore Archias (102 B. C.), were welcome guests.(88) In this select circle the master-works of Greek literature were read and criticised; the problems of Greek philosophy were discussed; and the highest interests of human life became the subject of thoughtful conversation. Though no poet of original genius arose from this society, it exercised a most powerful influence on the progress of Roman literature. It formed a tribunal of good taste; and much of the correctness, simplicity, and manliness of the cla.s.sical Latin is due to that "Cosmopolitan Club," which met under the hospitable roof of the Scipios.

The religious life of Roman society at the close of the Punic wars was more Greek than Roman. All who had learnt to think seriously on religious questions were either Stoics or followers of Epicurus; or they embraced the doctrines of the New Academy, denying the possibility of any knowledge of the Infinite, and putting opinion in the place of truth.(89) Though the doctrines of Epicurus and the New Academy were always considered dangerous and heretical, the philosophy of the Stoics was tolerated, and a kind of compromise effected between philosophy and religion. There was a state-philosophy as well as a state-religion. The Roman priesthood, though they had succeeded, in 161, in getting all Greek rhetors and philosophers expelled from Rome, perceived that a compromise was necessary. It was openly avowed that in the enlightened cla.s.ses(90) philosophy must take the place of religion, but that a belief in miracles and oracles was necessary for keeping the large ma.s.ses in order. Even Cato,(91) the leader of the orthodox, national, and conservative party, expressed his surprise that a haruspex, when meeting a colleague, did not burst out laughing. Men like Scipio aemilia.n.u.s and Laelius professed to believe in the popular G.o.ds; but with them Jupiter was the soul of the universe, the statues of the G.o.ds mere works of art.(92) Their G.o.ds, as the people complained, had neither body, parts, nor pa.s.sions. Peace, however, was preserved between the Stoic philosopher and the orthodox priest. Both parties professed to believe in the same G.o.ds, but they claimed the liberty to believe in them in their own way.

I have dwelt at some length on the changes in the intellectual atmosphere of Rome at the end of the Punic wars, and I have endeavored to show how completely it was impregnated with Greek ideas in order to explain, what otherwise would seem almost inexplicable, the zeal and earnestness with which the study of Greek grammar was taken up at Rome, not only by a few scholars and philosophers, but by the leading statesmen of the time. To our minds, discussions on nouns and verbs, on cases and gender, on regular and irregular conjugation, retain always something of the tedious character which these subjects had at school, and we can hardly understand how at Rome, grammar-pure and simple grammar-should have formed a subject of general interest, and a topic of fashionable conversation. When one of the first grammarians of the day, Crates of Pergamus, was sent to Rome as amba.s.sador of King Attalus, he was received with the greatest distinction by all the literary statesmen of the capital. It so happened that when walking one day on the Palatian hill, Crates caught his foot in the grating of a sewer, fell and broke his leg. Being thereby detained at Rome longer than he intended, he was persuaded to give some public lectures, or _akroaseis_, on grammar; and from these lectures, says Suetonius, dates the study of grammar at Rome. This took place about 159 B. C., between the second and third Punic wars, shortly after the death of Ennius, and two years after the famous expulsion of the Greek rhetors and philosophers (161). Four years later Carneades, likewise sent to Rome as amba.s.sador, was prohibited from lecturing by Cato. After these lectures of Crates, grammatical and philological studies became extremely popular at Rome. We hear of Lucius aelius Stilo,(93) who lectured on Latin as Crates had lectured on Greek. Among his pupils were Varro, Lucilius, and Cicero.

Varro composed twenty-four books on the Latin language, four of which were dedicated to Cicero. Cicero, himself, is quoted as an authority on grammatical questions, though we know of no special work of his on grammar. Lucilius devoted the ninth book of his satires to the reform of spelling.(94) But nothing shows more clearly the wide interest which grammatical studies had then excited in the foremost ranks of Roman society than Caesar's work on Latin grammar. It was composed by him during the Gallic war, and dedicated to Cicero, who might well be proud of the compliment thus paid him by the great general and statesman. Most of these works are lost to us, and we can judge of them only by means of casual quotations. Thus we learn from a fragment of Caesar's work, _De a.n.a.logia_, that he was the inventor of the term _ablative_ in Latin. The word never occurs before, and, of course, could not be borrowed, like the names of the other cases, from Greek grammarians, as they admitted no ablative in Greek. To think of Caesar fighting the barbarians of Gaul and Germany, and watching from a distance the political complications at Rome, ready to grasp the sceptre of the world, and at the same time carrying on his philological and grammatical studies together with his secretary, the Greek Didymus,(95) gives us a new view both of that extraordinary man, and of the time in which he lived. After Caesar had triumphed, one of his favorite plans was to found a Greek and Latin library at Rome, and he offered the librarianship to the best scholar of the day, to Varro, though Varro had fought against him on the side of Pompey.(96)

We have thus arrived at the time when, as we saw in an earlier part of this lecture, Dionysius Thrax published the first elementary grammar of Greek at Rome. Empirical grammar had thus been transplanted to Rome, the Greek grammatical terminology was translated into Latin, and in this new Latin garb it has travelled now for nearly two thousand years over the whole civilized world. Even in India, where a different terminology had grown up in the grammatical schools of the Brahmans, a terminology in some respects more perfect than that of Alexandria and Rome, we may now hear such words as _case_, and _gender_, and _active_ and _pa.s.sive_, explained by European teachers to their native pupils. The fates of words are curious indeed, and when I looked the other day at some of the examination papers of the government schools in India, such questions as-"Write the genitive case of Siva," seemed to reduce whole volumes of history into a single sentence. How did these words, genitive case, come to India? They came from England, they had come to England from Rome, to Rome from Alexandria, to Alexandria from Athens. At Athens, the term _case_, or _ptosis_, had a philosophical meaning; at Rome, _casus_ was merely a literal translation; the original meaning of _fall_ was lost, and the word dwindled down to a mere technical term. At Athens, the philosophy of language was a counterpart of the philosophy of the mind. The terminology of formal logic and formal grammar was the same. The logic of the Stoics was divided into two parts,(97) called _rhetoric_ and _dialectic_, and the latter treated, first, "On that which signifies, or language;" secondly, "On that which is signified, or things." In their philosophical language _ptosis_, which the Romans translated by _casus_, really meant fall; that is to say, the inclination or relation of one idea to another, the falling or resting of one word on another. Long and angry discussions were carried on as to whether the name of _ptosis_, or fall, was applicable to the nominative; and every true Stoic would have scouted the expression of _casus rectus_, because the subject or the nominative, as they argued, did not fall or rest on anything else, but stood erect, the other words of a sentence leaning or depending on it. All this is lost to us when we speak of cases.

And how are the dark scholars in the government schools of India to guess the meaning of _genitive_? The Latin _genitivus_ is a mere blunder, for the Greek word _genike_ could never mean _genitivus_. _Genitivus_, if it is meant to express the case of origin or birth, would in Greek have been called _gennetike_, not _genike_. Nor does the genitive express the relation of son to father. For though we may say, "the son of the father,"

we may likewise say, "the father of the son." _Genike_, in Greek, had a much wider, a much more philosophical meaning.(98) It meant _casus generalis_, the general case, or rather the case which expresses the gentus or kind. This is the real power of the genitive. If I say, "a bird of the water," "of the water" defines the genus to which a certain bird belongs; it refers it to the genus of water-birds. "Man of the mountains,"

means a mountaineer. In phrases such as "son of the father," or "father of the son," the genitives have the same effect. They predicate something of the son or of the father; and if we distinguished between the sons of the father, and the sons of the mother, the genitives would mark the cla.s.s or genus to which the sons respectively belonged. They would answer the same purpose as the adjectives, paternal and maternal. It can be proved etymologically that the termination of the genitive is, in most cases, identical with those derivative suffixes by which substantives are changed into adjectives.(99)

It is hardly necessary to trace the history of what I call the empirical study, or the grammatical a.n.a.lysis of language, beyond Rome. With Dionysius Thrax the framework of grammar was finished. Later writers have improved and completed it, but they have added nothing really new and original. We can follow the stream of grammatical science from Dionysius Thrax to our own time in an almost uninterrupted chain of Greek and Roman writers. We find Quintilian in the first century; Scaurus, Apollonius Dyscolus, and his son, Herodia.n.u.s, in the second; Probus and Donatus in the fourth. After Constantine had moved the seat of government from Rome, grammatical science received a new home in the academy of Constantinople.

There were no less than twenty Greek and Latin grammarians who held professorships at Constantinople. Under Justinian, in the sixth century, the name of Priscia.n.u.s gave a new l.u.s.tre to grammatical studies, and his work remained an authority during the Middle Ages to nearly our own times.

We ourselves have been taught grammar according to the plan which was followed by Dionysius at Rome, by Priscia.n.u.s at Constantinople, by Alcuin at York; and whatever may be said of the improvements introduced into our system of education, the Greek and Latin grammars used at our public schools are mainly founded on the first empirical a.n.a.lysis of language, prepared by the philosophers of Athens, applied by the scholars of Alexandria, and transferred to the practical purpose of teaching a foreign tongue by the Greek professors at Rome.

LECTURE IV. THE CLa.s.sIFICATORY STAGE.

We traced, in our last lecture, the origin and progress of the empirical study of languages from the time of Plato and Aristotle to our own school-boy days. We saw at what time, and under what circ.u.mstances, the first grammatical a.n.a.lysis of language took place; how its component parts, the parts of speech, were named, and how, with the aid of a terminology, half philosophical and half empirical, a system of teaching languages was established, which, whatever we may think of its intrinsic value, has certainly answered that purpose for which it was chiefly intended.

Considering the process by which this system of grammatical science was elaborated, it could not be expected to give us an insight into the nature of language. The division into nouns and verbs, articles and conjunctions, the schemes of declension and conjugation, were a merely artificial network thrown over the living body of language. We must not look in the grammar of Dionysius Thrax for a correct and well-articulated skeleton of human speech. It is curious, however, to observe the striking coincidences between the grammatical terminology of the Greeks and the Hindus, which would seem to prove that there must be some true and natural foundation for the much-abused grammatical system of the schools. The Hindus are the only nation that cultivated the science of grammar without having received any impulse, directly or indirectly, from the Greeks. Yet we find in Sanskrit too the same system of cases, called _vibhakti_, or inflections, the active, pa.s.sive, and middle voices, the tenses, moods, and persons, divided not exactly, but very nearly, in the same manner as in Greek.(100) In Sanskrit, grammar is called _vyakarana_, which means a.n.a.lysis or taking to pieces. As Greek grammar owed its origin to the critical study of Homer, Sanskrit grammar arose from the study of the Vedas, the most ancient poetry of the Brahmans. The differences between the dialect of these sacred hymns and the literary Sanskrit of later ages were noted and preserved with a religious care. We still possess the first essays in the grammatical science of the Brahmans, the so-called _pratisakhyas_. These works, though they merely profess to give rules on the proper p.r.o.nunciation of the ancient dialect of the Vedas, furnish us at the same time with observations of a grammatical character, and particularly with those valuable lists of words, irregular or in any other way remarkable, the Ganas. These supplied that solid basis on which successive generations of scholars erected the astounding structure that reached its perfection in the grammar of Panini. There is no form, regular or irregular, in the whole Sanskrit language, which is not provided for in the grammar of Panini and his commentators. It is the perfection of a merely empirical a.n.a.lysis of language, unsurpa.s.sed, nay even unapproached, by anything in the grammatical literature of other nations. Yet of the real nature, and natural growth of language, it teaches us nothing.

What then do we know of language after we have learnt the grammar of Greek or Sanskrit, or after we have transferred the network of cla.s.sical grammar to our own tongue?

We know certain forms of language which correspond to certain forms of thought. We know that the subject must a.s.sume the form of the nominative, the object that of the accusative. We know that the more remote object may be put in the dative, and that the predicate, in its most general form, may be rendered by the genitive. We are taught that whereas in English the genitive is marked by a final _s_, or by the preposition _of_, it is in Greek expressed by a final ??, in Latin by _is_. But what this ?? and _is_ represent, why they should have the power of changing a nominative into a genitive, a subject into a predicate, remains a riddle. It is self-evident that each language, in order to be a language, must be able to distinguish the subject from the object, the nominative from the accusative. But how a mere change of termination should suffice to convey so material a distinction would seem almost incomprehensible. If we look for a moment beyond Greek and Latin, we see that there are in reality but few languages which have distinct forms for these two categories of thought. Even in Greek and Latin there is no outward distinction between the nominative and accusative of neuters. The Chinese language, it is commonly said, has no grammar at all, that is to say, it has no inflections, no declension and conjugation, in our sense of these words; it makes no formal distinction of the various parts of speech, noun, verb, adjective, adverb, &c. Yet there is no shade of thought that cannot be rendered in Chinese. The Chinese have no more difficulty in distinguishing between "James beats John," and "John beats James," than the Greeks and Romans or we ourselves.

They have no termination for the accusative, but they attain the same by always placing the subject before, and the object after the verb, or by employing words, before or after the noun, which clearly indicate that it is to be taken as the object of the verb.(101) There are other languages which have more terminations even than Greek and Latin. In Finnish there are fifteen cases, expressive of every possible relation between the subject and the object; but there is no accusative, no purely objective case. In English and French the distinctive terminations of the nominative and accusative have been worn off by phonetic corruption, and these languages are obliged, like Chinese, to mark the subject and object by the collocation of words. What we learn therefore at school in being taught that _rex_ in the nominative becomes _regem_ in the accusative, is simply a practical rule. We know when to say _rex_, and when to say _regem_. But why the king as a subject should be called _rex_, and as an object _regem_, remains entirely unexplained. In the same manner we learn that _amo_ means I love, _amavi_ I loved; but why that tragical change from _love_ to _no love_ should be represented by the simple change of _o_ to _avi_, or, in English, by the addition of a mere _d_, is neither asked nor answered.

Now if there is a science of language, these are the questions which it will have to answer. If they cannot be answered, if we must be content with paradigms and rules, if the terminations of nouns and verbs must be looked upon either as conventional contrivances or as mysterious excrescences, there is no such thing as a science of language, and we must be satisfied with what has been called the art (t????) of language, or grammar.

Before we either accept or decline the solution of any problem, it is right to determine what means there are for solving it. Beginning with English we should ask, what means have we for finding out why _I love_ should mean I am actually loving, whereas _I loved_ indicates that that feeling is past and gone? Or, if we look to languages richer in inflections than English, by what process can we discover under what circ.u.mstances _amo_, I love, was changed, through the mere addition of an _r_, into _amor_, expressing no longer _I love_, but _I am loved_? Did declensions and conjugations bud forth like the blossoms of a tree? Were they imparted to man ready made by some mysterious power? Or did some wise people invent them, a.s.signing certain letters to certain phases of thought, as mathematicians express unknown quant.i.ties by freely chosen algebraic exponents? We are here brought at once face to face with the highest and most difficult problem of our science, the origin of language.

But it will be well for the present to turn our eyes away from theories, and fix our attention at first entirely on facts.

Let us keep to the English perfect, _I loved_, as compared with the present, _I love_. We cannot embrace at once the whole English grammar, but if we can track one form to its true lair, we shall probably have no difficulty in digging out the rest of the brood. Now, if we ask how the addition of a final _d_ could express the momentous transition from being in love to being indifferent, the first thing we have to do, before attempting any explanation, would be to establish the earliest and most original form of _I loved_. This is a rule which even Plato recognized in his philosophy of language, though, we must confess, he seldom obeyed it.

We know what havoc phonetic corruption may make both in the dictionary and the grammar of a language, and it would be a pity to waste our conjectures on formations which a mere reference to the history of language would suffice to explain. Now a very slight acquaintance with the history of the English language teaches us that the grammar of modern English is not the same as the grammar of Wycliffe. Wycliffe's English again may be traced back to what, with Sir Frederick Madden, we may call Middle English, from 1500 to 1330; Middle English to Early English, from 1330 to 1230; Early English to Semi-Saxon from 1230 to 1100; and Semi-Saxon to Anglo-Saxon.(102) It is evident that if we are to discover the original intention of the syllable which changes _I love_ into _I loved_, we must consult the original form of that syllable wherever we can find it. We should never have known that _priest_ meant originally _an elder_, unless we had traced it back to its original form _presbyter_, in which a Greek scholar at once recognizes the comparative of _presbys_, old. If left to modern English alone, we might attempt to connect _priest_ with _praying_ or _preaching_, but we should not thus arrive at its true derivation. The modern word _Gospel_ conveys no meaning at all. As soon as we trace it back to the original _G.o.ddspell_, we see that it is a literal translation of _Evangelium_, or good news, good tidings.(103) _Lord_ would be nothing but an empty t.i.tle in English, unless we could discover its original form and meaning in the Anglo-Saxon _hlafford_, meaning a giver of bread, from _hlaf_, a loaf, and _ford_, to give.

But even after this is done, after we have traced a modern English word back to Anglo-Saxon, it follows by no means that we should there find it in its original form, or that we should succeed in forcing it to disclose its original intention. Anglo-Saxon is not an original or aboriginal language. It points by its very name to the Saxons and Angles of the continent. We have, therefore, to follow our word from Anglo-Saxon through the various Saxon and Low-German dialects, till we arrive at last at the earliest stage of German which is within our reach, the Gothic of the fourth century after Christ. Even here we cannot rest. For, although we cannot trace Gothic back to any earlier Teutonic language, we see at once that Gothic, too, is a modern language, and that it must have pa.s.sed through numerous phases of growth before it became what it is in the mouth of Bishop Ulfilas.

What then are we to do?-We must try to do what is done when we have to deal with the modern Romance languages. If we could not trace a French word back to Latin, we should look for its corresponding form in Italian, and endeavor to trace the Italian to its Latin source. If, for instance, we were doubtful about the origin of the French word for fire, _feu_, we have but to look to the Italian _fuoco_, in order to see at once that both _fuoco_ and _feu_ are derived from the Latin _focus_. We can do this, because we know that French and Italian are cognate dialects, and because we have ascertained beforehand the exact degree of relationship in which they stand to each other. Had we, instead of looking to Italian, looked to German for an explanation of the French _feu_, we should have missed the right track; for the German _feuer_, though more like _feu_ than the Italian _fuoco_, could never have a.s.sumed in French the form _feu_.

Again, in the case of the preposition _hors_, which in French means _without_, we can more easily determine its origin after we have found that _hors_ corresponds with the Italian _fuora_, the Spanish _fuera_. The French _fromage_, cheese, derives no light from Latin. But as soon as we compare the Italian _formaggio_,(104) we see that _formaggio_ and _fromage_ are derived from _forma_; cheese being made in Italy by keeping the milk in small baskets or forms. _Feeble_, the French _faible_, is clearly derived from Latin; but it is not till we see the Italian _fievole_ that we are reminded of the Latin _flebilis_, tearful. We should never have found the etymology, that is to say the origin, of the French _payer_, the English _to pay_, if we did not consult the dictionary of the cognate dialects, such as Italian and Spanish. Here we find that _to pay_ is expressed in Italian by _pagare_, in Spanish by _pagar_, whereas in Provencal we actually find the two forms _pagar_ and _payar_. Now _pagar_ clearly points back to Latin _pacare_, which means _to pacify_, _to appease_. To appease a creditor meant to pay him; in the same manner as _une quittance_, a quittance or receipt, was originally _quietantia_, a quieting, from _quietus_, quiet.

If, therefore, we wish to follow up our researches,-if, not satisfied with having traced an English word back to Gothic, we want to know what it was at a still earlier period of its growth,-we must determine whether there are any languages that stand to Gothic in the same relation in which Italian and Spanish stand to French;-we must restore, as far as possible, the genealogical tree of the various families of human speech. In doing this we enter on the second or cla.s.sificatory stage of our science; for genealogy, where it is applicable, is the most perfect form of cla.s.sification.

Before we proceed to examine the results which have been obtained by the recent labors of Schlegel, Humboldt, Bopp, Burnouf, Pott, Benfey, Prichard, Grimm, Kuhn, Curtius, and others in this branch of the science of language, it will be well to glance at what had been achieved before their time in the cla.s.sification of the numberless dialects of mankind.

The Greeks never thought of applying the principle of cla.s.sification to the varieties of human speech. They only distinguished between Greek on one side, and all other languages on the other, comprehended under the convenient name of "Barbarous." They succeeded, indeed, in cla.s.sifying four of their own dialects with tolerable correctness,(105) but they applied the term "barbarous" so promiscuously to the other more distant relatives of Greek, (the dialects of the Pelasgians, Carians, Macedonians, Thracians, and Illyrians,) that, for the purposes of scientific cla.s.sification, it is almost impossible to make any use of the statements of ancient writers about these so-called barbarous idioms.(106)

Plato, indeed, in his Cratylus (c. 36), throws out a hint that the Greeks might have received their own words from the barbarians, the barbarians being older than the Greeks. But he was not able to see the full bearing of this remark. He only points out that some words, such as the names of _fire_, _water_, and _dog_, were the same in Phrygian and Greek; and he supposes that the Greeks borrowed them from the Phrygians (c. 26). The idea that the Greek language and that of the barbarians could have had a common source never entered his mind. It is strange that even so comprehensive a mind as that of Aristotle should have failed to perceive in languages some of that law and order which he tried to discover in every realm of nature. As Aristotle, however, did not attempt this, we need not wonder that it was not attempted by any one else for the next two thousand years. The Romans, in all scientific matters, were merely the parrots of the Greeks. Having themselves been called barbarians, they soon learnt to apply the same name to all other nations, except, of course, to their masters, the Greeks. Now _barbarian_ is one of those lazy expressions which seem to say everything but in reality say nothing. It was applied as recklessly as the word _heretic_ during the Middle Ages. If the Romans had not received this convenient name of barbarian ready made for them, they would have treated their neighbors, the Celts and Germans, with more respect and sympathy: they would, at all events, have looked at them with a more discriminating eye. And, if they had done so, they would have discovered, in spite of outward differences, that these barbarians were, after all, not very distant cousins. There was as much similarity between the language of Caesar and the barbarians against whom he fought in Gaul and Germany as there was between his language and that of Homer. A man of Caesar's sagacity would have seen this, if he had not been blinded by traditional phraseology. I am not exaggerating. For let us look at one instance only. If we take a verb of such constant occurrence as _to have_, we shall find the paradigms almost identical in Latin and Gothic:-

I have in Latin is habeo, in Gothic haba.

Thou hast in Latin is habes, in Gothic habais.

He has in Latin is habet, in Gothic habai.

We have in Latin is habemus, in Gothic habam.

You have in Latin is habetis, in Gothic habai.

They have in Latin is habent, in Gothic habant.

It surely required a certain amount of blindness, or rather of deafness, not to perceive such similarity, and that blindness or deafness arose, I believe, entirely from the single word _barbarian_. Not till that word barbarian was struck out of the dictionary of mankind, and replaced by brother, not till the right of all nations of the world to be cla.s.sed as members of one genus or kind was recognized, can we look even for the first beginnings of our science. This change was effected by Christianity.

To the Hindu, every man not twice-born was a Mlechha; to the Greek, every man not speaking Greek was a barbarian; to the Jew, every person not circ.u.mcised was a Gentile; to the Mohammedan, every man not believing in the prophet is a Giaur or Kaffir. It was Christianity which first broke down the barriers between Jew and Gentile, between Greek and barbarian, between the white and the black. _Humanity_ is a word which you look for in vain in Plato or Aristotle; the idea of mankind as one family, as the children of one G.o.d, is an idea of Christian growth; and the science of mankind, and of the languages of mankind, is a science which, without Christianity, would never have sprung into life. When people had been taught to look upon all men as brethren, then, and then only, did the variety of human speech present itself as a problem that called for a solution in the eyes of thoughtful observers; and I, therefore, date the real beginning of the science of language from the first day of Pentecost.

After that day of cloven tongues a new light is spreading over the world, and objects rise into view which had been hidden from the eyes of the nations of antiquity. Old words a.s.sume a new meaning, old problems a new interest, old sciences a new purpose. The common origin of mankind, the differences of race and language, the susceptibility of all nations of the highest mental culture, these become, in the new world in which we live, problems of scientific, because of more than scientific, interest. It is no valid objection that so many centuries should have elapsed before the spirit which Christianity infused into every branch of scientific inquiry produced visible results. We see in the oaken fleet which rides the ocean the small acorn which was buried in the ground hundreds of years ago, and we recognize in the philosophy of Albertus Magnus,(107) though nearly 1200 years after the death of Christ, in the aspirations of Kepler,(108) and in the researches of the greatest philosophers of our own age, the sound of that key-note of thought which had been struck for the first time by the apostle of the Gentiles:(109) "_For the invisible things of Him from the creation of the world are clearly seen, being understood by the things that are made, even His eternal power and G.o.dhead_."

But we shall see that the science of language owes more than its first impulse to Christianity. The pioneers of our science were those very apostles who were commanded "to go into all the world, and preach the Gospel to every creature," and their true successors, the missionaries of the whole Christian Church. Translations of the Lord's Prayer or of the Bible into every dialect of the world, form even now the most valuable materials for the comparative philologist. As long as the number of known languages was small, the idea of cla.s.sification hardly suggested itself.

The mind must be bewildered by the multiplicity of facts before it has recourse to division. As long as the only languages studied were Greek, Latin, and Hebrew, the simple division into sacred and profane, or cla.s.sical and oriental, sufficed. But when theologians extended their studies to Arabic, Chaldee, and Syriac, a step, and a very important step, was made towards the establishment of a cla.s.s or family of languages.(110) No one could help seeing that these languages were most intimately related to each other, and that they differed from Greek and Latin on all points on which they agreed among themselves. As early as 1606 we find _Guichard_,(111) in his "Harmonie Etymologique," placing Hebrew, Chaldee, and Syriac as a cla.s.s of languages by themselves, and distinguishing besides between the Romance and Teutonic dialects.

What prevented, however, for a long time the progress of the science of language was the idea that Hebrew was the primitive language of mankind, and that, therefore, all languages must be derived from Hebrew. The fathers of the Church never expressed any doubt on this point. St. Jerome, in one of his epistles to Damasus,(112) writes: "the whole of antiquity (universa antiquitas) affirms that Hebrew, in which the Old Testament is written, was the beginning of all human speech." Origen, in his eleventh Homily on the book of Numbers, expresses his belief that the Hebrew language, originally given through Adam, remained in that part of the world which was the chosen portion of G.o.d, not left like the rest to one of His angels.(113) When, therefore, the first attempts at a cla.s.sification of languages were made, the problem, as it presented itself to scholars such as Guichard and Thoma.s.sin, was this: "As Hebrew is undoubtedly the mother of all languages, how are we to explain the process by which Hebrew became split into so many dialects, and how can these numerous dialects, such as Greek, and Latin, Coptic, Persian, Turkish, be traced back to their common source, the Hebrew?"

It is astonishing what an amount of real learning and ingenuity was wasted on this question during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. It finds, perhaps, but one parallel in the laborious calculations and constructions of early astronomers, who had to account for the movements of the heavenly bodies, always taking it for granted that the earth must be the fixed centre of our planetary system. But, although we know now that the labors of such scholars as Thoma.s.sin were, and could not be otherwise than fruitless, it would be a most discouraging view to take of the progress of the human race, were we to look upon the exertions of eminent men in former ages, though they may have been in a wrong direction, as mere vanity and vexation of spirit. We must not forget that the very fact of the failure of such men contributed powerfully to a general conviction that there must be something wrong in the problem itself, till at last a bolder genius inverted the problem and thereby solved it. When books after books had been written to show how Greek and Latin and all other languages were derived from Hebrew,(114) and when not one single system proved satisfactory, people asked at last-"Why then _should_ all languages be derived from Hebrew?"-and this very question solved the problem. It might have been natural for theologians in the fourth and fifth centuries, many of whom knew neither Hebrew nor any language except their own, to take it for granted that Hebrew was the source of all languages, but there is neither in the Old nor the New Testament a single word to necessitate this view. Of the language of Adam we know nothing; but if Hebrew, as we know it, was one of the languages that sprang from the confusion of tongues at Babel, it could not well have been the language of Adam or of the whole earth, "when the whole earth was still of one speech."(115)

Although, therefore, a certain advance was made towards a cla.s.sification of languages by the Semitic scholars of the seventeenth century, yet this partial advance became in other respects an impediment. The purely scientific interest in arranging languages according to their characteristic features was lost sight of, and erroneous ideas were propagated, the influence of which has even now not quite subsided.

The first who really conquered the prejudice that Hebrew was the source of all language was Leibniz, the cotemporary and rival of Newton. "There is as much reason," he said, "for supposing Hebrew to have been the primitive language of mankind, as there is for adopting the view of Goropius, who published a work at Antwerp, in 1580, to prove that Dutch was the language spoken in Paradise."(116) In a letter to Tenzel, Leibniz writes: "To call Hebrew the primitive language, is like calling branches of a tree primitive branches, or like imagining that in some country hewn trunks could grow instead of trees. Such ideas may be conceived, but they do not agree with the laws of nature, and with the harmony of the universe, that is to say with the Divine Wisdom."(117)

But Leibniz did more than remove this one great stumbling-block from the threshold of the science of language. He was the first to apply the principle of sound inductive reasoning to a subject which before him had only been treated at random. He pointed out the necessity of collecting, first of all, as large a number of facts as possible.(118) He appealed to missionaries, travellers, amba.s.sadors, princes, and emperors, to help him in a work which he had so much at heart. The Jesuits in China had to work for him. Witsen,(119) the traveller, sent him a most precious present, a translation of the Lord's Prayer into the jargon of the Hottentots. "My friend," writes Leibniz in thanking him, "remember, I implore you, and remind your Muscovite friends, to make researches in order to procure specimens of the Scythian languages, the Samoyedes, Siberians, Bashkirs, Kalmuks, Tungusians, and others." Having made the acquaintance of Peter the Great, Leibniz wrote to him the following letter, dated Vienna, October the 26th, 1713:-

"I have suggested that the numerous languages, hitherto almost entirely unknown and unstudied, which are current in the empire of your Majesty and on its frontiers, should be reduced to writing; also that dictionaries, or at least small vocabularies, should be collected, and translations be procured in such languages of the Ten Commandments, the Lord's Prayer, the Apostolic Symbolum, and other parts of the Catechism, _ut omnis lingua laudet Dominum_. This would increase the glory of your Majesty, who reigns over so many nations, and is so anxious to improve them; and it would, likewise, by means of a comparison of languages, enable us to discover the origin of those nations who from Scythia, which is subject to your Majesty, advanced into other countries. But princ.i.p.ally it would help to plant Christianity among the nations speaking those dialects, and I have, therefore, addressed the Most Rev. Metropolitan on the same subject."(120)

Leibniz drew up a list of the most simple and necessary terms which should be selected for comparison in various languages. At home, while engaged in historical researches, he collected whatever could throw light on the origin of the German language, and he encouraged others, such as Eccard, to do the same. He pointed out the importance of dialects, and even of provincial and local terms, for elucidating the etymological structure of languages.(121) Leibniz never undertook a systematic cla.s.sification of the whole realm of language, nor was he successful in cla.s.sing the dialects with which he had become acquainted. He distinguished between a j.a.phetic and Aramaic cla.s.s, the former occupying the north, the latter the south, of the continent of Asia and Europe. He believed in a common origin of languages, and in a migration of the human race from east to west. But he failed to distinguish the exact degrees of relationship in which languages stood to each other, and he mixed up some of the Turanian dialects, such as Finnish and Tataric, with the j.a.phetic family of speech. If Leibniz had found time to work out all the plans which his fertile and comprehensive genius conceived, or if he had been understood and supported by cotemporary scholars, the science of language, as one of the inductive sciences, might have been established a century earlier. But a man like Leibniz, who was equally distinguished as a scholar, a theologian, a lawyer, an historian, and a mathematician, could only throw out hints as to how language ought to be studied. Leibniz was not only the discoverer of the differential calculus. He was one of the first to watch the geological stratification of the earth. He was engaged in constructing a calculating machine, the idea of which he first conceived as a boy. He drew up an elaborate plan of an expedition to Egypt, which he submitted to Louis XIV. in order to avert his attention from the frontiers of Germany.

The same man was engaged in a long correspondence with Bossuet to bring about a reconciliation between Protestants and Romanists, and he endeavored, in his Theodicee and other works, to defend the cause of truth and religion against the inroads of the materialistic philosophy of England and France. It has been said, indeed, that the discoveries of Leibniz produced but little effect, and that most of them had to be made again. This is not the case, however, with regard to the science of language. The new interest in languages, which Leibniz had called into life, did not die again. After it had once been recognized as a desideratum to bring together a complete _Herbarium_ of the languages of mankind, missionaries and travellers felt it their duty to collect lists of words, and draw up grammars wherever they came in contact with a new race. The two great works in which, at the beginning of our century, the results of these researches were summed up, I mean the Catalogue of Languages by Hervas, and the Mithridates of Adelung, can both be traced back directly to the influence of Leibniz. As to Hervas, he had read Leibniz carefully, and though he differs from him on some points, he fully acknowledges his merits in promoting a truly philosophical study of languages. Of Adelung's Mithridates and his obligations to Leibniz we shall have to speak presently.

Hervas lived from 1735 to 1809. He was a Spaniard by birth, and a Jesuit by profession. While working as a missionary among the Polyglottous tribes of America, his attention was drawn to a systematic study of languages.

After his return, he lived chiefly at Rome in the midst of the numerous Jesuit missionaries who had been recalled from all parts of the world, and who, by their communications on the dialects of the tribes among whom they had been laboring, a.s.sisted him greatly in his researches.

Most of his works were written in Italian, and were afterwards translated into Spanish. We cannot enter into the general scope of his literary labors, which are of the most comprehensive character. They were intended to form a kind of Kosmos, for which he chose the t.i.tle of "_Idea del Universo_." What is of interest to us is that portion which treats of man and language as part of the universe; and here, again, chiefly his Catalogue of Languages, in six volumes, published in Spanish in the year 1800.

If we compare the work of Hervas with a similar work which excited much attention towards the end of the last century, and is even now more widely known than Hervas, I mean Court de Gebelin's "Monde Primitif,"(122) we shall see at once how far superior the Spanish Jesuit is to the French philosopher. Gebelin treats Persian, Armenian, Malay, and Coptic as dialects of Hebrew; he speaks of Bask as a dialect of Celtic, and he tries to discover Hebrew, Greek, English, and French words in the idioms of America. Hervas, on the contrary, though embracing in his catalogue five times the number of languages that were known to Gebelin, is most careful not to allow himself to be carried away by theories not warranted by the evidence before him. It is easy now to point out mistakes and inaccuracies in Hervas, but I think that those who have blamed him most are those who ought most to have acknowledged their obligations to him. To have collected specimens and notices of more than 300 languages is no small matter. But Hervas did more. He himself composed grammars of more than forty languages.(123) He was the first to point out that the true affinities of languages must be determined chiefly by grammatical evidence, not by mere similarity of words.(124) He proved, by a comparative list of declensions and conjugations, that Hebrew, Chaldee, Syriac, Arabic, Ethiopic, and Amharic are all but dialects of one original language, and const.i.tute one family of speech, the Semitic.(125) He scouted the idea of deriving all the languages of mankind from Hebrew. He had perceived clear traces of affinity in Hungarian, Lapponian, and Finnish, three dialects now cla.s.sed as members of the Turanian family.(126) He had proved that Bask was not, as was commonly supposed, a Celtic dialect, but an independent language, spoken by the earliest inhabitants of Spain, as proved by the names of the Spanish mountains and rivers.(127) Nay, one of the most brilliant discoveries in the history of the science of language, the establishment of the Malay and Polynesian family of speech, extending from the island of Madagascar east of Africa, over 208 degrees of longitude, to the Easter Islands west of America,(128) was made by Hervas long before it was announced to the world by Humboldt.

Hervas was likewise aware of the great grammatical similarity between Sanskrit and Greek, but the imperfect information which he received from his friend, the Carmelite missionary, Fra Paolino de San Bartolomeo, the author of the first Sanskrit grammar, published at Rome in 1790, prevented him from seeing the full meaning of this grammatical similarity. How near Hervas was to the discovery of the truth may be seen from his comparing such words as _theos_, G.o.d, in Greek, with _Deva_, G.o.d, in Sanskrit. He identified the Greek auxiliary verb _eimi_, _eis_, _esti_, I am, thou art, he is, with the Sanskrit _asmi_, _asi_, _asti_. He even pointed out that the terminations of the three genders(129) in Greek, _os_, _e_, _on_, are the same as the Sanskrit, _as_, _a_, _am_. But believing, as he did, that the Greeks derived their philosophy and mythology from India,(130) he supposed that they had likewise borrowed from the Hindus some of their words, and even the art of distinguishing the gender of words.

The second work which represents the science of language at the beginning of this century, and which is, to a still greater extent, the result of the impulse which Leibniz had given, is the Mithridates of Adelung.(131) Adelung's work depends partly on Hervas, partly on the collections of words which had been made under the auspices of the Russian government.

Now these collections are clearly due to Leibniz. Although Peter the Great had no time or taste for philological studies, the government kept the idea of collecting all the languages of the Russian empire steadily in view.(132) Still greater luck was in store for the science of language.