John Barry: An American Hero in the Age of Sail Part 6

Your most obedient, humbl. serv't John Barry.

CHAPTER NINETEEN.

THE UNITED STATES.

CONGRATULATORY LETTERS FLOODED STRAWBERRY HILL, with Sam Nicholson's being the most fawning and t.i.tillating at the same time. While "there is none in this quarter that is not well pleased" with Barry's appointment, there were, he added cattily, "exceptions who wish themselves or friends in it." After inquiring "when and where our Ships are to be built," and if he could "possibly get my two sons in as Midshipmen," he then asked the question most important to him: "What is to be our uniform?" It was the first letter addressed to "Commodore Barry." Barry's reply answered all Nicholson's questions, whetting Nicholson's appet.i.te for the uniforms: "Blue and buff" and, in Barry's opinion, "better than the old blue and red." Nicholson was like a young boy at Christmas: "Pray inform me when you put on your Uniforms," he replied.1 As with the Continental navy, political standing mattered; Nicholson's number-two commission was proof of that. Talbot, appointed a captain in the Continental navy after valiant service in Washington's army, had never commanded a ship. Lack of a Continental commission put Truxton last on the list, but his success as a privateer put him above other jealous applicants. Barney, irked about ranking below Talbot, declined his commission. After obtaining a midshipman's berth for his son, he enlisted in the French navy.2 Dale and Truxton rose up a notch, and little-known James Sever was given position number six.3 In 1775, Barry and Humphreys helped start a navy by refitting existing ships. Now they created from scratch the ships Humphreys wanted to build and Barry wanted to command. Knox kept them both "in constant attendance" as discussions intensified over plans, sites, and staffing.4 A project of this magnitude meant jobs, revenue, and a windfall of patronage. Congress distributed the six plums accordingly. The six frigates were delegated to six ports: the forty-four-guns went to Boston, New York, Philadelphia, and Norfolk; the thirty-sixes went to Portsmouth and Baltimore. Knox originally listed a thirty-six for Norfolk, but President Washington, being a Virginian, "suggested" a switch with Baltimore.5 On July 1, Barry swore "true allegiance to the United States of America and to serve them honestly and faithfully against all their enemies or opposers whomsoever." Appointed "Superintendent of the frigate to be built at the port of Philadelphia," he threw himself into his new responsibilities, hurriedly finishing his "Dimensions of the Masts and Yards of a Ship of 145 feet Keil 43 Beam 14 Feed Hold," leaving "a Sail maker to find out how much Canvas it will take." The firm of Gurney & Smith was appointed to "provide all the materials not otherwise provided by the Treasury." Humphreys, as "Constructor," was ordered to have the "moulds for the frigates prepared with all possible dispatch" for delivery to the other shipyards.6 The demands on Humphreys became overwhelming. He found help in Barry's friend Josiah Fox, another Quaker who first displayed his shipbuilding talents in England.7 Fox and Humphreys. .h.i.t it off immediately, and Fox was named Humphreys's a.s.sistant (a third shipwright from Southwark, William Doughty, largely forgotten today, actually drew up the plans of the thirty-sixes).8 Knox's approach guaranteed an overlap not only of countersigning but also in authority. Frequently, Barry shared management duties but was totally responsible if anything went wrong.9 As Knox saw it, if checks and balances were good enough for the Const.i.tution, they were good enough for the ships that would include the Const.i.tution.

Such work meant business before pleasure; an invitation from Senator Butler for Barry and Sarah to join him for a brief vacation on the Jersey sh.o.r.e was declined, being too "inconvenient" for Barry "to leave home more than twenty-four hours, as I must be in Philadelphia every Other day."10 He was also scolded from afar for not writing by his sister Margaret, in a letter given to Michael Hayes while the Rising Sun was in Ireland.11 By September, Humphreys had hired scores of men for the undertaking. Men, Philadelphia had. What the ship needed was wood. Humphreys's Yankee ingenuity required southern timber.

As Humphreys saw it, if "seven dog years" equal one human one, then five eighteenth-century ship years equaled one ship's life. Wooden ships lucky enough to survive perils at sea usually rotted out within a dozen years; even the much-admired Alliance was laid to rest at twelve.12 Humphreys believed that with live oaking his ships would outlast their contemporaries by decades. Barry, Dale, and Truxton concurred, informing Congress in a joint letter that they considered live oak "the most durable wood in the world," and also "a great saving to the United States, as we are well satisfied (accidents excepted) that their frames would be perfectly sound a half-century hence."13 Having bested a divided Congress, the builders and the captains now took on geography, nature, and the calendar.

Live oak-Quercis Virginiana-a member of the beech family, is found along the coastline from southeastern Virginia to the Gulf of Mexico. It grows to heights of seventy feet, with trunks over twenty feet around. Somewhere from five to eighteen feet aboveground, the first broad, strong branches expand. At their tallest and widest, their crown covers 150 feet, providing enough shade for over half of an acre. Furniture makers found little use for the heavy, curved branches, but shipwrights found them perfect for their line of work. As the densest and hardest oak, it also handled salt.w.a.ter better than any other wood. Humphreys had used live oak before and was well acquainted with the results. To see a live oak tree is to understand why John Muir called it "the most magnificent planted tree I have ever seen."14 There were problems: the shipyards ranged from Portsmouth south to Norfolk, and the live oak woods were hundreds of miles from all but the latter. Slave labor was plentiful enough, but skilled northern hands were needed to teach and supervise.15 Knox recruited well-known Boston shipwright John T. Morgan, who arrived in Savannah in June to seek out coastal landowners whose property teemed with Humphreys's favorite trees; not only live oak but also red cedar, white oak, yellow pine, and locust.

He found a promising forest on the island of Saint Simon, but once ensconced, Morgan's labor was better suited for Hercules than a Yankee shipwright.16 The island was "almost under water"; and the rainy season would make it "impossible almost to get the timber from where the live Oak grows." He grew despondent, telling Humphreys that St. Simon's was "low Land and Swampy," and "there never was so much rain known in this country."17 In October, with no shipments yet from Morgan, Treasury Secretary Tench c.o.xe sent Barry to find Morgan and discover what timber "may be in readiness for the Frigate." He departed on the brig Schuylkill, whose shipment of oxen and horses to the islands were "recommended" to Barry's "particular care." One week later, Barry stood atop "Gascoigne's Bluff on the Island of Saint Simon," giving him a view of Morgan's activity. There was none. Barry found Morgan "With his two Boys Sick and not a man with him nor a stick of wood cut." With Morgan prostrate, Barry examined the "camp": a ramshackle sawmill and a couple of tents. c.o.xe suspected that Morgan was behind schedule; Barry could not even find a schedule. After standing on the "dry, sandy knoll," surrounded by Humphreys's much-desired trees, Barry unpacked, made sure "the oxen and horses was all landed in good order," and began working on a plan.18 He a.s.sumed total command, directing the camp from his tent as if it was his quarterdeck. When a "Revenue Cutter arrived from Savannah with part of the utensils for Cutting timber, part of the moulds and part of the provisions," he ordered everything unloaded and stored, then told Morgan that "if he could stand on his feet, he would be required to get back to work," sending him "into the Country to try to get hands." Morgan came back with six slaves from a nearby plantation. Barry requisitioned ten more from another planter and set them to "making a road to the Wood." His sea-captain's management style did not enthrall Morgan. "If I am to stay her[e] till all the timber is cut I shall be dead," he bitterly complained to Humphreys. "If you was here you would curse live Oak."19 Providentially, "eighty one men arrived from New London, via Savannah." They may have come from the "damb country" Barry cursed years earlier, but they were a welcome sight, and he instantly gave them a task: "make a place to cover them for the Weather." By dark the camp was truly a camp, not just a forlorn, jury-rigged sawmill. On the "next day they was sent to cut wood." After an attempt in Savannah to enlist more ships to transport the timber north, and promising Morgan both more men and a visit home, Barry sailed back to Philadelphia, with "live oak plants & acorns" in his bags-a present for Humphreys.20 Shortly after his arrival, Barry reported to Congress that he was "well satisfied with the exertions of Mr. Morgan," believing "the whole quant.i.ty" of live oak "will be cut between this month and the month of February." Truxton and Dale joined him with a rosy prediction that "the ships may be built, and completely equipped in the course of the next year." Beaming, Barry and Humphreys were watching laborers unload the timber from the Schuylkill's hold when the Anna arrived, also loaded with rough-cut live oak. The elated Humphreys called the wood "the best that ever came to this place." The increased activity can be seen in Humphreys's "Waste Book." It is simple arithmetic not measured in deliveries of iron, copper, or hand spikes. "Rec'd 6 Gallons of Rum," Humphreys entered on November 3. Before long he was up to a hogshead-about 50 gallons a day for his burgeoning work crews.21 But the Anna's live oak shipment was the last one Humphreys would see for months. Barry's erroneous prediction that the shipyards would have all the wood needed before the daffodils bloomed was a harbinger of things to come, for him and the new navy.

On December 23, a diarist described the weather as "remarkably mild and pleasant, perfectly clear." He finished his entry with the phrase: "Saw the Stem of the Frigate raised." The diarist was Washington. He had brought his step-grandson, George Washington Parke Custis, along to Southwark with him. Barry and Humphreys greeted them. Washington was "awed and thrilled "on this, his First Visit to an American Navy Yard!" Years later, Custis recalled how Washington "expressed his admiration at the great size of the Vessel that was to be. Commodore Barry was present, & Mr. Humphreys explained to the President...the great principle which he had organized...all of which meant with Washington's approbation."22 Barry's Christmas festivities began that day. But while the Barrys celebrated the yuletide, Morgan penned him a plaintive letter from soggy St. Simon: "You promised me that you would see that I should Com from heair." Morgan's ongoing fever "has fed into all my Lims and I can not walk," and "all the fine oxen that you Brought is dead."23 Climate and fever were still Morgan's personal harpies. His New Englanders either died or deserted. Only three of them were fit for work, along with the slaves who, while they could die, certainly could not desert.24 The rain never stopped; the surviving four oxen could not move the weighted-down carts through the mire.

The New Year in Philadelphia started off propitiously enough, as Humphreys's expert craftsmen turned the huge pieces into the frigates' "lower futtocks and knees"-the ship's ribs and right-angled supports.25 No more wood arrived over the winter months-not for Barry or any other captains. What was forecast in December-shipyards full of America's finest carpenters, sawyers, chandlers-was replaced by the sight of increasingly idle craftsmen. Work on all of the frigates, Barry's included, slowed, then stopped. From Boston, Barry heard again from Nicholson: "When we are to get our Commissions, what is to be our uniforms, and when we are to receive our pay and rations . . . I have A large family and wish . . . to receive my pay and rations Quickly."26 The first captain to look for other work was Richard Dale. Offered command of a China voyage, he requested Barry's permission for a leave of absence. With approval from Washington's new Secretary of War, Timothy Pickering (Knox having resigned after a disastrous investment in a New England land scheme), Barry gave his permission, along with "800 Spanish milled Dollars" for "one Thousand pieces of the best shirt Nankeens" and "one box of tea or twelve pound of the best Hyson Sulong Tea."27 Dale departed in March, missing a wedding at Strawberry Hill. Patrick Hayes and Betsy Keen had become engaged. On April 9, a fine spring day, the Barrys, Austins, Keens, and a retinue of distant relatives and friends filled the pews inside Christ Church. Michael Hayes was best man. The Barrys watched Patrick and Betsy stand before the same altar they had approached eighteen years earlier. William White, now a bishop, cheerfully presided. The reception at Strawberry Hill was a gala affair, made livelier by Barry's "Sea Captains Club" friends in attendance, including John Rossiter, about to take Michael with him on the Rising Sun's first voyage to China.28 Of the family, only William Austin, now living in Charleston, was absent.29 Eleven days later, Benjamin Rush made his way to Strawberry Hill. Barry's asthma was back; Rush believed it to be "the dry asthma [that] occurs most frequently in . . . middle life." This time Barry's "paroxysms" truly laid him low. Sarah was fearful, and Rush returned for two more visits in early May. Barry recovered slowly. It would be weeks before he ventured to Southwark.30 Earlier, a merchantman arrived in Philadelphia with news: John Jay had negotiated a new treaty with Great Britain. Washington hoped for a mutually beneficial solution to several pressing issues, including British seizure of American ships and sailors, but Jay returned with nothing to safeguard American sailors from British press gangs. Even the bone thrown to America-the opening of British ports in the West Indies-came with a proviso: ships were limited in size to seventy tons. When the treaty's contents became public, riots broke out in New York and Boston. Americans, still predominantly holding French sympathies, saw no good in the treaty at all. Few realized that Jay had probably postponed another war with England. Communications being what they were, British ships were unaware of the treaty's approval-a fact made clear when "a ship from Philadelphia was boarded by Admiral Murray's squadron in the lat.i.tude of Sandy Hook" and "stripped of her people." George III "had issued orders . . . to take all American vessels bound to France."31 In July Barry returned to his duties at Southwark. His stamina diminished by this latest bout of asthma, he purchased a chaise to carry him to work, adding the buggy's cost to his expense account. His riding days were over. He found little progress made in his absence; the most significant change at the yard was the absence of Josiah Fox. With no one named to replace Dale, Fox became de facto superintendent at Norfolk.32 From Georgia, Morgan continued begging for release from his contract. New England craftsmen and southern slaves baked in morning sun, only to be soaked to the skin by afternoon thunderstorms that drowned out their camps. They were attacked incessantly by mosquitoes and the swamps were also home to cottonmouth and water moccasins. Morgan's pleas to Barry and Congress were finally answered, and denied.33 What live oak was cut and shipped was never enough, and shipments were poorly planned. One shipyard got more futtocks and knees than needed, while another got none at all. Transferring the huge pieces was time-consuming and costly. Seeing that "the difficulties of getting the live oak" prevented "the carrying forward of six frigates at the same time," Pickering closed four of the shipyards. Only Philadelphia and Baltimore remained open. He handed Washington a list of names for the frigates, such as the Terrible and Revolution. The president chose more judicious t.i.tles: Const.i.tution, President, Congress, Constellation, and, later, Chesapeake. Barry's flagship would simply be called the United States.34 Pickering demanded a report from Barry regarding the masting of the frigates, seeking a uniform plan. Tactfully, Barry replied such exact.i.tude was impossible: "I have never found two People who pretend to find rules for masting ships to agree . . . I am of the opinion that the longer the ships the longer the yard should be and I am sure I am not alone in that opinion."35 While Barry dealt with Pickering as tactfully "as was in his power," Washington continued to weave his way between the three sources of potential war: England, France, and Algiers. Edward Randolph, Washington's Secretary of State, was privately accused by Pickering and Woolcott of treason and resigned. Attorney General William Bradford died. Washington's decision to replace Chief Justice John Rutledge with the publicly despised Jay could not win Senate confirmation. Already stripped of his ablest advisors, Washington did what he could with his second team, moving Pickering to State and replacing him at the War Department with his former aide and drinking friend, James McHenry.36 Barry's final report to Pickering about his frigate's status was as glowing as his first, prompting Pickering to "procure the whole of the live oak timber by the month of May, 1796."37 Publicly, Barry believed the live oakbuilt frigates "would last fifty years." Privately he must have wondered if it would take fifty years to build them.

Soon it would not matter: peace was made with Algiers. Hasou Bashaw, "Dey of the City & Regency of Algiers," agreed "not to damage plunder or impede in her voyage any american vessel"-for a price.38 Negotiations, helped behind the scenes by the French Republic, included a million-dollar tribute paid to Algiers and delivery of an armed brig and schooner to be built by Humphreys.39 For the Republicans, these terms meant a virtual execution of the navy before it could get off the ground and into the water.

But Washington still had a trick or two up his sleeve. McHenry a.s.sured Congress that "one forty-four and one thirty-six may be completed with great ease by the month of November" and the rest "launched and completely equipped" one month later (even the most ardent "navalist" would have been hard pressed to believe that). On March 15, Washington asked Congress to reconsider the navy's death sentence. His request was turned over to a committee comprised of three pro-navy Federalists. Two days later, the triumvirate proposed that three frigates be completed: two forty-fours, one thirty-six.40 Debate resumed with a new player leading the Republican opposition, Swiss-born Pennsylvania Representative Albert Gallatin, a legislative junkyard dog over expenses. Gallatin's name was already anathema to Federalists. Rising up to do battle for the navy was its champion, William L. Smith of South Carolina. When the smoke cleared, the three frigates at Norfolk, Portsmouth, and New York were "laid aside." Those in Baltimore, Philadelphia, and Boston were spared. The push was on to get them completed, and Barry and Truxton were sent to "visit Cecil furnace" and prove the cannon cast for the United States.41 Truxton met Barry at the Head of Elk, and immediately confronted his old friend about rumors that Talbot was now angling for his ship. "Mortified . . . if I am superceded," Truxton poured out his fears that Talbot's congressional cronies might steal the Constellation away from him. Barry a.s.sured him that his position was secure. At the furnace they met with the ironmaster, Samuel Hughes, who informed them that thirty-five cannon had already been "proved." Upon their inspection of the guns, Barry and Truxton found many of them wanting. Hughes got testy. He had proved them out of professional courtesy-there was no call for him to do so in the contract, which he provided for the captains to review.42 Proving guns was a small part of a bigger problem. Hughes's contract, signed by Tench c.o.xe, contained neither a stipulated deadline nor a penalty for delays. The guns were being sold not by the piece, but by the ton. Barry was appalled-"In all my life," he "never saw any thing" as one-sided as this contract; under its terms, Congress could not fine Hughes "one shilling" for any "noncompliance." Barry, unlike Truxton, was no close friend of c.o.xe, and blamed c.o.xe for the situation. He returned to Philadelphia. Josiah Fox was sent to resolve the issue and refine the specifications for the cannons.43 Back at Southwark, Barry was elated over Humphreys' progress. The giant frigate rose over the rooftops, her mastless, great hull looming over the neighborhood like Noah's Ark. Working several stories above the street, laborers carried red cedar and white oak plank, hoisted heavier pieces with block and tackle, while sawyers and carpenters toiled below. Workers on the ship's bow could actually look down on the steeple of the nearby Swedish Church. Philadelphians had never beheld such a mammoth structure.

One newcomer to the yard, a teenager, was a recent dropout of prestigious Episcopal Academy. Using his father's connections with Barry and Humphreys, young Stephen Decatur began working on the United States under Humphreys' watchful eye.44 Like everyone else at the yard, Decatur's ears were subjected to the endless din from scores of hammers, mallets, and saws. The noise could be heard throughout the entire ward, from sunup to sundown: endless cacophony to the Southwark residents, but music to Barry's ears. There was also more noise at Strawberry Hill that summer-not as loud, but more joyous. On July 8, Betsy Hayes gave birth to a son. She and Patrick named him John Barry Hayes, much to the pleasure of John and Sarah, who considered him a true grandson.45 Congress recessed; Morgan began his third year in exile at St. Simon. Dale returned from China, only to find his frigate and status in limbo.46 Humphreys and Fox, fast friends and allies for two years, began to find fault with each other. Barry immersed himself with reports and correspondence-anything to bring his ship closer to launching. In September he presented "An Estimate of the Expenses and Fitting out the Frigate United States." From "A Captain's salary of 75 dollars pr mo." to "one Drum/Fife," his grand total-"as near as I can possibly make" was $7,285.47 As the ship inched closer to completion, Congress ordered her guarded by soldiers, there being no marines or sailors for the task. Barry was less than impressed with both their appearance and attentiveness: "Such a Set of ragam.u.f.fins I never had to do with," he grumbled. When McHenry showed him Hughes's latest report from Cecil Furnace, Barry was unimpressed but silent. He knew enough of sailing and fighting in the wooden world to match his knowledge with anyone, but was on unfamiliar ground with proving guns.48 So he went and learned, talking to every expert he could find. He then sent McHenry an exhaustive account of how the British, French, and Dutch used different shot, weight, and wad to ensure a cannon's worthiness and safety. Recalling the horrid tales of Revolutionary era cannons that touched off disaster and not projectiles (there were condemned guns on the Bonhomme Richard that killed and maimed a substantial number of Jones's crew-something Dale saw firsthand), Barry was concerned that ineffective proving "makes men [more] afraid of their own Guns than they are of their Enemies."49 That autumn everything was overshadowed by the first true presidential campaign. The Federalists nominated John Adams, while the Republicans picked Thomas Jefferson. While Adams and Jefferson officially remained above the fray, the campaign was fraught with ugly partisanship. Although he had friends in both camps, Barry felt more sentiment for the pro-navy Adams, who caustically noted that the United States was "a country Impotent at Sea."50 Following Washington's lead, Barry kept his choice to himself. As the electors' results would not be announced until February, he was perfectly happy reporting to his current commander-in-chief.

International intrigue soon came to the fore, regarding both the election and the nascent navy. In October, French Minister Pierre August Adet announced that French warships would treat American merchantmen exactly as the British had been doing: seize them and confiscate their cargo. Adet gave notice to both Congress and the pro-Republican Philadelphia newspaper Aurora on the same day, a gesture Federalists denounced as a ploy to a.s.sist Jefferson's candidacy.51 In December Barry submitted his third report to Congress regarding the United States. Humphreys had already delivered his annual message, emphasizing that significant progress was being made. Barry complemented Humphreys' account: "The Rigging is all made . . . the Yarn spun and ready to be laid into Cables . . . the Anchors and Iron ballast all ready, the Blocks Water casks Boats Lanthorns and all the tinwork on hand, Guns, Gun Carry's Masts, Yards, pumps, Sails and may other articles much behind."52 Barry enjoyed some respite over the winter, beginning with Christmas at Strawberry Hill. Everyone was in good health, Rush having made only one visit "for [the] negro girl"-Jude's malady quickly treated for less than a pound.53 Barry returned to his duties after the New Year during a harsh spate of numbing cold that froze over the Delaware. Wagons from New Jersey, loaded with supplies for the frigate, crossed over the river's thick ice to Southwark, where workers kept fires going to keep warm.54 In February, the election results were announced: Adams barely defeated Jefferson, by three electoral votes.

On Washington's sixty-fifth birthday, he issued "commission no. One" to Barry, "appointed CAPTAIN in the Navy of the United States, and Commander of the FRIGATE called UNITED STATES, to take Rank from the Fourth day of June, One Thousand Seven Hundred and Ninety Four." Shortly thereafter, Barry attended two dinners honoring Washington: the first at the Executive Mansion on Eighth Street, accompanied by Charles Biddle and William Johnson, in which they presented the president with honors from the Society of the Cincinnati. There followed another affair, attended by "All the Military and Naval Officers" in Philadelphia. On March 4, Adams was sworn in as president.55 While work continued on the frigates, Congress was at an impa.s.se over their future once again. A motion to purchase a "live oak preserve" (Humphreys's brainchild) was resoundingly defeated.56 Fortunately for Adams and the Federalists, the Directory of France filled the void left by the Dey of Algiers. They refused to receive Charles Pinckney as America's new amba.s.sador. Federalists were furious.57 Adams, ensconced in Morris's old palace as Washington had been, called for a special session of Congress, hoping for a peaceful solution to his first crisis-but it would be nice if Barry's frigate would at least be in the water by then.58 One pleasant April morning, twenty-eight-year-old Benjamin Franklin Bache, Franklin's grandson and editor of the Aurora, went for a stroll.59 He did not meander aimlessly past the blossoming apricot and peach trees, but headed south along the waterfront for the Southwark shipyard, to see firsthand the progress made on the United States: a strange destination for someone whose rants against the navy's officers and laborers were frequent entries in his paper. Bache's grandfather often called himself a frustrated sailor; the same could not be said for him.

Some townsfolk bade him good morning; just as many did not. Bache's political beliefs were well known, and he carried them with him like a portable lightning rod.60 He saved most of his vitriol for one man: "If ever a nation was debauched by a man, the American nation has been debauched by Washington."61 Bache entered the shipyard unannounced. No one informed Barry or Humphreys of his arrival, but he was immediately recognized by Humphreys's son Clement, his father's a.s.sistant.62 Clement may have come from Quaker stock, but he saw Bache's arrival as an opportunity to host a less than friendly welcome. His voice ringing among the hammers and saws, he called to his carpenters, almost to a man Federalist sympathizers, to come down into the yard.

Humphreys's derisive greeting bypa.s.sed any jocular harangue and immediately became physical. Clement's Quaker tolerance vanished with his first shove. While the laborers watched, he methodically a.s.saulted Bache. Between punches, he shouted into Bache's ringing ears the newspaperman's very own words: how he "accused the ship's carpenters of being bribed" and "abused the President." By the time he called the reports "Tory pieces," Bache was thoroughly, brutally beaten.63 The clamor brought Barry and Joshua Humphreys running from their office and pulling Clement off Bache, who stood on his wobbly legs and staggered off the yard. The attack over-it hardly could be called a fight-Barry and the elder Humphreys sent the men back to their tasks. Soon authorities came and arrested Clement. Found guilty at his trial, he was fined $50 and ordered to pay a $2,000 peace bond. While Republican papers excoriated Clement, the Federalist tabloid Porcupine's Gazette (written by the English printer and wit William Cobbit, alias "Peter Porcupine") summed up Bache's thrashing in four words: "It served him right."64 Bache did not get the chance to see that the frigate was nearly completed: her hull planked, decks laid, and copper sheathing nearly finished, she was ready for her debut. Her latest addition was the striking figurehead completed by the artist William Rush, who described his work with hyperbolic zeal. One admirer recalled that it represented the Genius of America, wearing a crest adorned with a Constellation. Her hair escaped in loose wavy tresses, and rested upon her breast. A portrait of Washington was suspended from a chain which encircled her neck, and her waist was bound with a civic band. In her right hand she held a spear and belts of wampum-the emblems of peace and war. In her left hand was suspended the Const.i.tution of the Union. Above was a tablet, on which rested three books, to represent the three books of government, and the scales of Justice. On the base of the tablet were carved the eagle and national escutcheon, and the attributes of commerce, agriculture, the arts and sciences.65 As the days lengthened, Barry and Humphreys divided their time between finishing touches on the United States and construction of the launch area. Workers toiled beneath her great shadow to complete her launching ways, the long, two-rail frame constructed to send the ship into the water. Once completed, they were connected to the bilge ways, set in their positions underneath the hull. By April 24, the frigate rested on her keel blocks. Her "launching plank, bilge ways, blocking wedges, crosspieces, and shims fore and aft" were "all prepared and fitted." Barry and Humphreys announced May 10 as the launching date, to "take place at 2 o'clock if weather permits."66 Finally, after three years, the time had come for the complex, dangerous task of sending the wooden behemoth into the Delaware.

On May 9, "strong northwest winds" blew so powerfully they "kept back the tides"; the Delaware was "too shallow to permit the launch."67 As artillery batteries and "other uniformed companies together with the regular troops" took positions to guard the ship overnight, Barry sent the workers home, with orders to return at sunrise. Then he and Humphreys departed.68 Even the elements seemed to conspire against the baptism of the United States Navy.

But that night, the wind died down. Returning to the shipyard well before sunup, Barry and Humphreys found most of their men already there, equally relieved about the diminished winds. In the dark they could hear voices, audible evidence that a crowd was already gathering around the shipyard. As the sun rose, Barry was amazed at how many Philadelphians were at Southwark, jostling for the best spots to witness the launching. Although the ship lacked masts and guns, Barry lovingly prepared her to look every inch the belle of the ball. With no stays or rigging, Barry ordered the banners placed over the gunwales. Years later one spectator's daughter wrote, "I heard my father state how gaily the Commodore dressed the frigate."69 Philadelphians were coming by the thousands. Congressmen and other dignitaries, brandishing special pa.s.ses, elbowed for position.70 Soon the neighborhood was so crowded that late coming notables could not get inside the shipyard. Each pa.s.sing minute brought more and more on-lookers. Humphreys had two large anchors "sunk in the yard in front of the ship, and two large cables lashed through the hauseholes"-cylindrical holes for the anchor cables to pa.s.s through-"as well as one to each anchor."71 Next, "a large careening fall was reeved through each pair and hove tight by a capstan."72 At daybreak Humphreys "proceeded to launch down the bilgeways, in order to retallow the launching plank."73 With the first rumblings of the ship along the bilgeways accomplished, Humphreys ordered the ways "re-tallowed," applying another coat of wax to speed along 1,600 tons of wood, copper, and iron.74 Accompanied by Dale and a hand-picked crew, Barry came aboard the frigate. On the ground, Humphreys reviewed the steps for launching: a sequence that held preciously small margin for error. The capstans were manned and the bow cables hove as taut as possible with "the spur sh.o.r.es fixed."75 By 9 A.M. everything was in readiness. High tide came after 12.

With his frigate's copper sheathing blindingly reflecting the sunlight, Barry remained on deck through the agonizingly long wait for her delivery. By now every rooftop within sight was overcrowded; Swanson Street, the main thoroughfare in Southwark, was impa.s.sable. Eyewitnesses estimated the crowd at between twenty and thirty thousand.76 By noon, "adjacent points of the river were crowded with vessels of different descriptions": from schooners and sloops to shallops and rowboats, "gay with bunting and richly dressed dames."77 Among them was the "Brig Sophia, Capt. O'Brien," hosting the cabinet trio of Pickering, Woolcott, and McHenry (the President was conspicuously absent: Adams had left town to fetch his wife, Abigail).78 During lulls in the action, troops stationed in the shipyard paraded and drilled to the applause of the spectators while, almost unnoticed, thirty laborers moved under the ways beneath the ship.79 So dangerous was their role that these men were usually volunteers; if there were not enough, convicts filled the posts, after being promised commutation of their sentence.80 Noon came and went. Humphreys waited for the right second to begin cutting the frigate's restraints. Any restlessness felt by the crowd during the long wait had pa.s.sed. Tension was as visible among the horde as it was on the frigate's taut cables. Finally Humphreys gave the order. "55 carpenters on each side" swung their mallets in unison, driving the blocks out from under the ship. A roar broke from the crowd. Suddenly, without warning, "the ship began to move"-but the blocks were not completely out.81 Aghast, Humphreys watched as the frigate's sudden movement "strained the spur sh.o.r.es"-the last restraints against the ship. He ordered them taken away. Now only her cables kept the United States from accelerating down the tallowed ways.

But if her cables held-and Humphreys knew they would hold-the frigate could break the ways and come crashing to the ground, killing every man beneath her. He yelled over the din to Dale for the cables to be cut immediately.82 The order was not necessary. From the quarterdeck, Barry saw what was happening, and had already called out to Dale to cut the cables. Axes flashed in the afternoon sun, severing them with dispatch. Fraying hemp flew through the hauseholes with a whipping sound. With nothing now to hold her back, the frigate slid down the ways, barely over the heads of the thirty workmen who rose up and cheered after she rumbled loudly over them. Released from Humphreys's restraints, the United States rushed headlong into the Delaware, striking the river's bottom hard as she entered the water, sending out two huge waves that rocked the countless ships and boats, nearly capsizing the smaller vessels, and threatening the "richly dressed dames" with an unintended swim.83 After the launch, "carpenters and citizens sat down in the ship yard to a collation and the resuming part of the day was spent in the utmost festivity," while Barry, his ship in the river at last, disembarked to enjoy "a round of beef and a drink of punch." It was hours before the crowd dispersed; in the evening, "Front Street and Second Street were still chocked with people going home." Not every Philadelphian was enthralled. Quaker Elizabeth Drinker entered the event of the country's first "Friget" launching in her diary. "I wish I could say it was the last," the pacifist noted.84 Despite the unforeseen hazards of the launch, and the embarra.s.sing striking of ground (due to her launching ways being too steep), Humphreys's report to McHenry was self-congratulating-with good reason. His innovations would soon be marveled at by foreign shipbuilders, and the launching was proof of the soundness of his work. During a launch, a ship was p.r.o.ne to "hogging": the bow and stern bend as the keel and bottom arch upward. Humphreys knew that "large Ships hogg in launching nearly two feet"-an incredible strain. But the United States "arrived at one Block without Straining or hogging more than One and a quarter Inch." For Humphreys, this was "convincing proof . . . of the utility of the diagonal riders in long Ships."85 In the fictional exploits of Patrick O'Brian's Captain Jack Aubrey, Humphreys' design is rightly considered a wonder from that "fascinating modern age."

On May 16, 1797, Adams addressed Congress about the "depredations on commerce" by the French. Still hoping to resolve these affronts by "amicable negotiations," he proposed sending Timothy Pickering, John Marshall, and Elbridge Gerry as envoys to France to resolve America's grievances.86 As Congress debated Adams's request, McHenry sent Barry back to Cecil Furnace to prove more guns.87 Barry was aware of the importance of his errand. Albert Gallatin's fiscal opposition to a navy was unwavering, even if there now was a navy-if only one ship.

Unfortunately his visit to Hughes's furnace was more disheartening than previous ones. Upon his arrival, Barry learned the only guns that "stood proof very well" were already a.s.signed to Truxton's Constellation-still three months from launching. No tirade at Hughes could manufacture more guns. Such was Barry's mood that he went straight to Strawberry Hill without bothering to confer with McHenry, sending a less than tactful report the next day: "I am at a loss to know when the Guns will be got for the frigate as there is not another gun at that furnace fit for a Ship of War." He ended with a postscript aimed at Gallatin's anti-navalists: "I think it is highly necessary that some inquiry Should be made when and where they can be procured as in all probability the Frigate will be ready to take them on board in Short time not with standing all that has been said about her."88 Typically, McHenry did not reply. Although he was popular with his peers, he was astonishingly deficient in administrative skills.89 The demands of his office overwhelmed him, and Barry found his lack of response and resolve exasperating. The days of reporting to a superior with the breadth, depth, and empathy of a Robert Morris seemed long gone.

Happily, Barry returned to Southwark to discover the "limbs" of his frigate-her masts and spars-were almost finished, along with her longboats, rigging, and sails. All he needed was guns. In an effort to speed up their procurement he informed McHenry and Congress "that the Ship may be rigged and completed for Sea in one month after the guns and lower masts are on board."90 To his amazement, Congress "pa.s.sed the Bill for completing and Manning the Frigates." On June 29, McHenry summoned Barry and Truxton to meet with him to discuss "the appointment of officers." That same day, in Portsmouth, New Hampshire, "the frigate Crescent of thirty-six Guns" was launched without a hitch.91 The American navy was still trying to walk, but the Dey's frigate was one step closer to completion, mostly at the expense of the Const.i.tution and Constellation.

Selection of officers was never far from Barry's thoughts, being deluged with recommendations. Some wrote flowery nominations for themselves, like William Foulk, who "Commanded Vessels at this Port" and believed himself "Qualified to perform any duty." Others came from Barry's friends; James Jackson championed a son of "The loan officer of Georgia"; being one of the few pro-navy Republicans, Jackson saw his request as eminently justifiable. Barry even received a request on a boy's behalf from an acquaintance he had not heard from in years: Robert Morris.92 With Philadelphia in the midst of a depression-foreign banks were calling in loans-Morris was the most prominent citizen being brought down by an avalanche of debt. Morris's few remaining friends (some also ruined from following his lead in speculative land investments) watched as the financier converted his summer house into a veritable fortress, nicknamed "Castle Defiance," in an effort to repel angry crowds of creditors. Barry and other friends feared for Morris's sanity.93 After months of mulling over applicants, Barry began making selections. For first lieutenant and second lieutenant he picked Richard O'Brien of Ma.s.sachusetts and John Mullowny of Philadelphia. John Lockwood, an old acquaintance, was made sailing master, and George Gilla.s.spy of New York was appointed ship's surgeon. The list of deck and marine officers came from states as far north as Vermont and as far south as Georgia. James Jackson's nominee, Alexander Wylley, was given a midshipman's berth, as was young Stephen Decatur, Jr.94 Summer was in full season, hot and humid. The Fourth of July was celebrated with the usual festivities and fireworks; Barry and "fifty citizens dined at Geisse's Pointno-Point" in nearby Bridesburg.95 Three days later the Barrys observed their twentieth wedding anniversary, a much more stable marriage than Alexander Hamilton's, whose scandalous affair was banner headlines in the Republican papers.96 The strangest occurrence in the city was an epidemic of dead cats "which began to render walking out exceedingly disagreeable."97 Some carca.s.ses, thrown in the river, drifted up against and past the United States.98 Although yellow fever returned in 1794 and 1796, Philadelphians were spared another epidemic. Now it was back, as threatening as in 1793. Led by Adams, the government fled the city. When it became "too dangerous to go to work" at Southwark, Barry and Humphreys sent their men home.99 Soon Barry succ.u.mbed, not to yellow fever but to gout. It attacked the joints in his feet and legs, and the incessant pain made walking impossible.100 The embattled Rush paid a visit to his friend at Strawberry Hill, warning him to remain there until the epidemic subsided. (He also recommended a student, Doctor John Bullus, for the position of surgeon's mate aboard Barry's ship.)101 With Southwark shut down, Barry could only sit things out anyway, waiting for the day when walking would not be too painful while watching his year-old namesake take his first tentative steps.

Then Barry got an idea that made sense in the days before Pasteur. Writing to McHenry, he asked permission to "move the Ship in the Stream," believing that sending Gilla.s.spy, Bullus, and "forty or fifty men on board to get things in ready ness" would get the ship back on some kind of schedule while keeping his men away from the rampant disease ash.o.r.e, albeit by only a hundred yards. For once, McHenry jumped on a suggestion.102 Upon receipt of McHenry's letter, Barry prepared to head to town. A few minutes of trying to walk changed his mind. A letter was sent in lieu of a captain. Hurriedly writing, angrily crossing out sentences in frustration at his physical immovability, he ordered Mullowny "to have the Frigate in the Stream as soon as possible." In between crossed out lines, raging at his own feebleness, Barry explained that "I am not able to walk on my leg or I would have seen you this Morning." Three days later, Mullowny "moor'd the Frigate on the Sh.o.r.e a little below Kensington."103 So far, so good.

Then fever struck the ship. Once on board, Gilla.s.spy found the United States a veritable hospital ship, minus a doctor.104 Practically everyone was down with yellow jack. Working around the clock, Gilla.s.spy cared for the stricken officers, sailors, and landsmen. Cooler winds returned to Philadelphia, but this only sent the sick sailors shivering in the crisp night air: the United States still lacked gla.s.s for her window frames.105 A letter from Sam Nicholson did nothing for Barry's mood. Happy as he was about the arrival of his uniform, Nicholson sought Barry's advice on appropriate entertainment and catering for the Const.i.tution's launching. With his deathly ill crew barely a broadside from Strawberry Hill, and the gout still hobbling him, Barry answered Nicholson with another letter replete with crossed out phrases and ink blots, dismissing the idea of a party. "You say She is a fine Ship," Barry wrote, but "I have heard it reported here and by one of the Finest Ship builders in New England that her Knees is pointed in the wrong way." If that was the case, "It is preposterous to talk of launching so Soon you will be Sorry for it." He warned Nicholson to have everything in order before attempting the launch or "you would be much to blame." Barry's warnings proved prophetic; it took three attempts to launch the Const.i.tution before she slid into the Charles.106 Some days later, Barry received cheerier news about the Constellation. "A Better Launch I never saw," beamed Truxton.107 News from Barry's own ship was not good: a marine had died, followed shortly by John Lockwood, the sailing master.108 Gilla.s.spy, suffering "with a violent cold," made a personal report to Strawberry Hill, where Barry ordered him to remain until he was better. But the doctor returned to the United States. From Downingtown, McHenry ordered that Barry "Not expose yourself" to the ship, and risk his own health.109 With his gout-ridden leg on a pillow at Strawberry Hill, Barry requested his friend Rush "go on board and give his advice." Beset by the latest outbreak, Rush sent an a.s.sistant who reported "that every thing had been done for the Sick that was proper as could be done here." Barry fretted over the true hero in this crisis, Gilla.s.spy, whom he called "a man of Great humanity." Gilla.s.spy's "Spirits [were] Very low having no one to a.s.sist him," and Barry ordered his new sailing master, Edwin Meade, to have "the Ship Washed and fumagated as well as possible."110 To Barry's relief, Meade carried out his orders to the letter.

As before, cooler weather mercifully ended the epidemic. The frail Gilla.s.spy was sent to New York to recover. In grat.i.tude, Barry's crew published a testimonial to the good doctor offering their "sincere and most grateful thanks . . . it is to him (under G.o.d) we owe our lives." Before leaving, Gilla.s.spy thanked Barry for his "kindness and attention," adding "You and Mrs. Barry who feel for others woes, ought to have been blest with Children whom I am sure never would have been the foot ball of fortune."111 Routine life returned to Philadelphia and McHenry with it, innocently asking that Barry get the frigate ready "to meet a winter at sea." Instead, Barry, wondered if McHenry had bothered to read his reports: why send a ship of war to sea without guns? In an effort to prove that he had been reading the reports, McHenry noted that the ship had guns-fifteen of them. Exasperated, Barry attempted to bring McHenry up to date without bringing him up short. All fifteen guns were unfit; nor were there any "suitable at Cecil Furnace." Barry suggested that Gilla.s.spy investigate the availability of guns in New York, and McHenry consented.112 Gilla.s.spy came through again. In a few days, combing New York from Kinderhook to Redhook, and from Manhattan to Governor's Island, the doctor found "Smooth and Handsome" 18- and 24-pounders at four different sites, along with "timber for the carriages." "They appear much better than those at Philadelphia," he exclaimed.113 Gilla.s.spy found nearly sixty guns, some already proved. Leave it to a doctor to find cannon when the secretary of war could not.

After learning of Gilla.s.spy's success, McHenry ordered Barry to prepare "An Estimate of Provisions" for a twenty-six-week cruise. Barry's tally included 70,798 pounds of bread, 30,342 pounds of beef, and 70,798 half pints of rum. This estimate joined his report about Gilla.s.spy's found cannon on McHenry's desk. After reading them, McHenry filed them away.114 Adams and Congress returned to a fever-free Philadelphia, along with news of increased attacks on American merchantmen by French privateers.115 Hundreds of American ships were seized upon departing port. From Kennebunk, home of the sloop George, seized near Puerto Rico, to Savannah, home of the brig Maria, captured off Jamaica, newspapers vividly described the manhandling of American ships by French (and occasional English) predators. Letters from "the Masters of Captured American Vessels" poured into Secretary of State Pickering's office, including news of "the schooner Little John, Captain Pease," a friend of Barry's from the "Sea Captains Club."116 On November 23, 1797, short, stout John Adams, utterly devoid of Washington's commanding presence, made his first presidential address to Congress. With no word yet from his envoys in Paris, his report on the "unpleasant state of things" came off as tepid. His only flash of pa.s.sion was an exhortation to "protect our commerce and to place our country in a suitable position of defense."117 The Senate's approval of Adams's remarks rekindled in the old patriot his 1775 advocacy of a navy: "A maritime marine and a military marine most grow up together; one cannot long exist without the other."118 But Adams's fervor was offset by the affable McHenry's report on the United States. While he hoped that the frigate "would have been complete for sea sometime in autumn," the "contiguous fever" made it "too late in the season to get the ship in complete order."119 As 1797 ended, Jefferson summed things up perfectly: Congress "had absolutely nothing to do, but to wait for news from our Parisian envoys."120 Word arrived from John Marshall in early 1798. Adams's envoys received a frosty reception from Charles Maurice de Talleyrand, French Minister of Foreign Affairs and recently returned to Paris after seeking asylum in Philadelphia during the Reign of Terror. The Americans met with three of Talleyrand's subordinates, whom Marshall encoded in his writings as X, Y, and Z. French demands, including a ten-million-dollar loan (and another $250,000 for Talleyrand) were bad enough, but when the three sycophants insisted the United States pay for damages inflicted on French privateers as they seized American merchantmen, the demands went from the ridiculous to the absurd. Pinckney's response has been used in defiance ever since: "Millions for defense, but not one cent for tribute."121 In January, McHenry ordered Barry to "have the marines and seamen mustered monthly while in port" with "regular muster rolls made out alphabetically," but still no word about Gilla.s.spy's guns.122 The old Irish temper smoldered, but Barry soon learned that he was not alone in questioning McHenry's abilities. A Committee on Naval Affairs had begun investigating everything from the tedious construction and cost overruns to McHenry's leadership, and sought Barry out.123 He measured each word carefully, couching each sentence in deference without losing his point. "I believe you will agree with me that it has been but indifferently managed hitherto that there might be some allowance made for Young beginners," he began, complimenting McHenry's youthful appearance while dismissing his administrative skills. Then he made proposals that were as sound as those made years earlier by John Paul Jones-minus Jones's fanfare: The first thing that ought to be done should be to place the department by It Self and put it into the hands of three able Men skilled in Naval matters. They ought to be well acquainted with the . . . Ships of War and have full powers to furnish every Article . . . for getting Ships to Sea. [There should be] three Commissioners under the direction of the President one of them a Commander one a Merchant the other a Ship Builder . . . There should ought to be three places belonging to the Public where the Ships of War Should rendezvous . . . those places ought to be in a fresh water river where they would be safe . . . from an enemy if a War should brake out they should be near a large seaport town that less difficulty may arise in manning them.

In one page, Barry laid out the Department of the Navy-shipyards, manpower, resources, and expertise from the top down. Excepting the suggestion of a triumvirate at the helm, Barry's ideas became the basis for the navy's first century. Wary of who else might see his letter, he signed just his initials-JB-as if no one would know who that was.124 He also faced his own crisis of leadership. Discipline was lax aboard the United States, and "French leave" was commonplace.125 As before, when Barry was frustrated at matters beyond his control such as McHenry's inaction over Gilla.s.spy's guns-he came down hard on issues he could put under his thumb. "You as Commanding Officer in my absence will order the Men on board to do such duty as is most proper for them," he reprimanded Mullowny. Then he laid out rules for discipline with an eye for justice and fairness: For the good government of the ship it is my orders that no officer on any pretense whatever beat or abuse any of the men on board or on Sh.o.r.e when on the Ship's duty more than one or two slight strokes to make him jump quick to their work if he deserves more he is to be put in irons and complaint made to me of the offense he committed. He is not to have any of his rations stopped without an order from me. It is my wish that at all times a good understanding should subsist between my Officers and myself and nothing can contribute more to it than a prompt.i.tude of the duty required.126 Young Mullowny took Barry's criticism to heart. The next morning the crew found themselves making "grounding for the Cables" and seven unfortunate souls were confined "for absenting themselves for a whole night at least, some more"-including one sailor named John Barry.127 Congress' growing lack of confidence in McHenry's leadership and the resultant delay in the ship's completion were provided with a deus ex machina. On March 4, Marshall's report of the XYZ Affair reached Adams's hands. The complete lack of success of the mission made the Jay Treaty look like a resounding achievement. For two weeks, Adams deliberated on the best course of action, while Philadelphia taverns were abuzz with rumors that the French had already declared war on the United States. Finally, Adams informed Congress of the mission's failure, and to prepare for war. Concerned with the safety of the American envoys, he withheld the details of the XYZ doc.u.ments.128 This decision caused a near riot among Republican congressmen and newspapermen alike. Called a warmonger and worse, Adams coolly kept his hand to himself. It turned out to be one of the best bluffs ever run by a president against his opposition. Smelling victory, Gallatin demanded that Adams make the report public.129 Once sure that the trio of diplomats were safely heading home, Adams released Marshall's account.130 Gallatin got more than he wished for. Overnight, public opinion swung to Adams who, caught up in martial fervor, was soon seen wearing a military uniform.131 The XYZ papers were also a G.o.dsend for the navy. The French threat "that if nothing were done the coast of the United States would be ravaged" did more to complete the frigates than McHenry ever could.132 Throughout the previous four years it seemed to Barry that the entire project called the United States Navy was perpetually coming apart at the seams. Now, with completion finally in sight, his frigate did just that. The ship's "Decks topsides and other parts" were "much opened" and "the oak.u.m loosened." Orders to make repairs "with as little expense as possible," came with a stipulation. McHenry cavalierly bowed to complaints by several merchants, who felt that the large frigate in the Delaware "incommodes the Vesls. coming in and going out," and demanded that Barry move the United States to "where the Channel is wider."133 For Barry, waiting for word on guns, supplies, and men, this was ludicrous. He wanted to get things moving, and all McHenry wanted to do was move the frigate. But the angry captain complied, and "placed the frigate in the best and widest part of the channel" where "any ship may pa.s.s by with ease."134 Over the next several weeks McHenry bombarded Barry with orders to obtain the necessary equipment (including rammers and sponges) for his guns. Soon all he needed was a gun. Gilla.s.spy's cannons still lay unclaimed in New York; Barry knew it would not be long before Truxton or Nicholson sniffed them out. When Samuel Hughes sent word he had "23 twelve pounders to prove," Barry headed back to Maryland. Anxious to acquit himself, Hughes accompanied Barry to the open range where eight guns were ready for testing. One burst; then another, and another. With nowhere to hide, Hughes watched six of the first eight cannons blow apart. Barry and Hughes returned to the field the next morning, the desolate wreckage cleared away. Only five guns burst-but just six were tested. By the end of Barry's visit forty-four guns were proved: twelve pa.s.sed audition, but nine of them "were doubtful" in Barry's eyes. Furious, envisioning his crew being killed by their own weapons, Barry told Hughes he did not want even one cannon.135 While Barry's carriage carried him home, steps were being taken to make the navy a separate ent.i.ty from the War Department. Like Barry, Adams and Congress had seen enough of McHenry. Using their capital from the XYZ affair, Federalists pa.s.sed a resolution giving the navy its own cabinet status. Adams needed a new secretary. His first choice, George Cabot, an old Ma.s.sachusetts friend, turned him down. He approached another political ally, Benjamin Stoddert, a successful Maryland merchant. Stoddert accepted, becoming the first secretary of the Navy.136 After beseeching McHenry for months for clearance to go and inspect the guns in New York, Barry finally received permission. Carrying a letter from McHenry to Governor John Jay, Barry was "to examine the cannon" Jay could "lend to the United States." Leaving Mullowny with orders to "have the Ship Sc.r.a.ped fore and aft" and her gun ports painted a "yellow and black check," he set off for New York. At Governor's Island, a jubilant Barry "Proved twenty-five Guns" and approved twenty-three of them. The guns at Red Hook, also proved, were available "for two Dollars for each." Barry could scarcely believe good fortune was finally smiling on him, and departed for Philadelphia, presenting his report to McHenry as soon as he arrived. All McHenry need do was send Jay an official request and the guns would be aboard the frigate within a week. But it took over a week before the procrastinating McHenry even responded, asking Jay to make all speed as "no time should be lost in forwarding" the guns-at least not McHenry's time.137 Upon his return Barry noticed a marked difference in the size of the navy. Congress approved an additional $950,000 for expenditures, including the purchase of merchantmen to convert to ships of war.138 It was 1775 all over again; soon the navy had three new ships, including the Ganges, still under Dale's command. Even McHenry jumped through hoops, ordering Nicholson to prove cannon for the Const.i.tution and enlist "proper Characters" for his crew.139 The spate of activity brought back a youthful spring to Barry's "gouty legs" and a visible change in his personality. Poor Sarah was torn; the welcome changes in her husband's disposition were clouds on her own horizon, signs of his impending absence. Her husband busied himself with completion of a roundhouse he designed for the frigate's quarterdeck. The roof of the roundhouse served as the ship's p.o.o.p deck.140 Save for this addition, the United States was a twin to her sister ship, the Const.i.tution.

A great deal of mail awaited answers. Nicholson's younger brother John asked Barry to "Mention me to any of your Acquaintances in congress" for a command. David Porter made another plea for a.s.sistance in obtaining a commission, adding that Truxton had taken his son aboard the Constellation" as a midshipman. Friends from as far as the West Indies sought his influence in getting berths for youngsters "very anxious to go on board your frigate."141 The most interesting letter came from a Bostonian, designing the latest type of gun for the navy. Years earlier, he had been "on board the French Frigate Concord to make a drawing of the bra.s.s carronades with their beds." Now his designs were "in the War office in Philadelphia"-pigeonholed in McHenry's desk-but he fervently believed them more "preferable and much better" than the French guns. Nicholson had already ordered several for the Const.i.tution. The carronades "are of my casting," he closed, "by which you will judge of the Workmanship." With clear strokes he signed his name: Paul Revere.142 When word reached Philadelphia that a French privateer had seized several merchantmen off New York, activity along the waterfront reached a frenzy not seen since the British invasion. Another ship, the Hamburg Packet of Philadelphia, was "bought by the Congress" for $45,000, renamed Delaware, pierced for twenty guns, and placed under command of Stephen Decatur, Sr. At the same time, Barry's midshipmen were sworn in-including Decatur's son, and Richard Somers, William Keen's young brother-in-law from the Jersey sh.o.r.e. The younger Decatur was thrilled-Somers was a friend from his Episcopal Academy days whose coastal upbringing and visits to Strawberry Hill only whetted his appet.i.te for a life at sea.143 On May 5, a dispatch from McHenry arrived at Barry's doorstep "to direct you to repair with all due speed on board the Frigate United States." Urging that "no time be lost in completing that which is yet to be done" (how Barry's eyes must have rolled with that directive coming from McHenry), the orders included the enlistment of marines and a rendezvous to complete Barry's muster rolls. McHenry added that "it is in the President's express orders that you employ the most vigorous exertion to accomplish the several objectives"-just in case Barry did not believe McHenry. Nevertheless, after four years, any letter that ended with the phrase "sail at the Shortest notice" was welcome indeed.144 In the streets of Philadelphia, war talk reached fever pitch. "Hail Columbia," a stirring new march written by Francis Hopkinson's son, John, brought down the house nightly at the New Theatre on Chestnut Street.145 "Crippled, toothless Adams," as Bache disparagingly called him, enjoyed a level of popularity he had never experienced, and never would again. While Adams basked in his brief moment of glory, urging American youths "to arms especially by sea," Bache's home and press were attacked by anti-French, anti-Republican citizens.146 Taking advantage of the patriotic fervor sweeping the country, Barry sent Mullowny to New York to enlist "the Compliment of Seamen" for the United States.147 Barry gave responsibility for the Philadelphia rendezvous to young Charles Stewart, who was to keep to his task "Morning, Noon, & Night."148 Broadsides flooded the waterfronts, appealing "to all able-bodied and patriotic Seamen who are willing to serve their country" for one year at $17 per month.149 Thanks to the nearby presence of French privateers, both Stewart and Mullowny quickly had more than enough signatures on their muster rolls. "I am apprehensive in having mor