History of Woman Suffrage Volume II Part 64

The mothers of the land, who shall form the characters of all its citizens through their teaching in childhood, giving direction to the thoughts which shall hereafter govern the land, may well claim that it is expedient that they shall have a voice in making the laws which govern them, which will give them greater freedom of action than they now have, which will afford them higher opportunities for n.o.ble culture than they now have, and raise their thoughts to a plane worthy of the generation that shall come after us, which must in all its social and moral qualities take its impress from their teachings, so that the men of the land shall then be as the women of the land now are; and as you elevate and enn.o.ble woman, in so much, in a greater ratio, will our sons be better fitted for the great duties and responsibilities of the future. No stream shall rise higher than its fountain.

Sir, I recognize the fact that I have no right at this time to trespa.s.s on the business and indulgence of the House to argue the momentous question involved in this memorial, but I present this pet.i.tion of 35,000 women of America, from almost every State in the Union. From every cla.s.s and condition of life, from the highest and most refined, and from the humblest and most lowly, all are represented here, all asking that their claim to what they conceive to be their greatest right, and which we claim to be the inalienable right of every male citizen shall be granted to them.

The unanimity with which they come here; the fact that without organization, almost as a matter of spontaneity, 35,000 names should have been gathered and sent to this Capitol to a committee, whose voluntary duty it was made to receive them; the fact that other names are now coming in at the rate of some 500 a day; that from California 10,000 more are on the way, all speak to the Representatives of the people in accents that can not be misunderstood, that here is a great and necessary reform which calls for the fullest consideration and the promptest action of the Congress of the United States.

They are not to be told that this is an innovation, that this is a new thing. Division of property between the husband and the wife was a greater innovation upon the feudal law, which is the foundation of our law as regards women, and a very much greater innovation than this will be. That in the parent State from which we come women have had the right to act in public affairs; from the fact that in that parent State a woman is at the head of public affairs, seems to point to us that women may safely be trusted with the right to vote.

I have desired to say this much, in presenting this pet.i.tion, in order that it may be brought to the notice of the House and the country; that it may take the same place in the consideration of the people that in a not very far day in the past anti-slavery pet.i.tions took, which founded the great party which now has control of the Government of this country. There was a great reform, beginning in the little, urged on by pet.i.tions, not so numerous in its early days, and hardly so numerous in its later days, as this, scarcely arriving to the dignity of numbers of applicants which characterizes the pet.i.tion which I now present; and although, when a great moneyed interest was at stake, it took years to bring that freedom which those pet.i.tions asked for, yet let me a.s.sure the House of Representatives that in my judgment, much sooner, and as certainly as the sun rolls around in its course a few more times, just so sure will the right asked for in this pet.i.tion be accorded to the women citizens of the United States.

I ask that this pet.i.tion, which I propose simply to show to the House in its large volume (unrolling the pet.i.tion), may be referred to the Committee on the Judiciary, to whom this subject has already been referred.

Mr. ELDRIDGE.--I ask that the pet.i.tion be read.

The SPEAKER.--With the names?

Mr. ELDRIDGE.--Certainly.

The SPEAKER.--That would require unanimous consent.

Mr. BUTLER, of Ma.s.sachusetts.--I pray that may not be done, because I promised the Committee on Appropriations not to take much time. I ask that the pet.i.tion simply be read.

The Clerk read as follows:

_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States in Congress a.s.sembled:_

The undersigned, citizens of the United States, pray your honorable bodies that in any proposed amendment to the Const.i.tution which may come before you in regard to suffrage in the District of Columbia or any Territory, the right of voting may be given to women on the same terms as to men.

The pet.i.tion was then referred to the Committee on the Judiciary.

IN THE HOUSE, JANUARY 29, 1872.--MR. PARKER, of Missouri, introduced a bill (H. R. No. 1277) to allow women to vote and hold office in the Territories of the United States; which was read a first and second time, referred to the Committee on the Judiciary, and ordered to be printed.

IN UNITED STATES SENATE ON JANUARY 29, 1872.--THE VICE-PRESIDENT said:--The Chair has been requested to present the protest of ladies of the county of Munroe, Indiana, signed by Mrs. Morton C.

Hunter, Mrs. A. Y. Moore, and several hundred other ladies, remonstrating against an extension of the right of suffrage to women, "because the Holy Scripture inculcates a different and for us a higher sphere, apart from public life; because as women we find a full measure of duties, cares, and responsibilities devolving upon us, and we are therefore unwilling to bear other and heavier burdens, and those unsuited to our physical organization; because we hold that an extension of suffrage would be adverse to the interests of the working women of the country, with whom we heartily sympathize: because these changes must introduce a fruitful element of discord in the existing marriage relation, which would tend to the infinite detriment of children, and increase the already alarming prevalence of divorce through the land; because no general law affecting the condition of all women should be framed to meet exceptional discontent." This memorial will be referred to the Committee on the Judiciary.

The National Woman Suffrage a.s.sociation held its May Anniversary of 1872 in New York, at Steinway Hall. As can be seen by the call,[149]

the intention was to form a political party, but the delegates, after some discussion, decided that nominees without electors were incongruous. As usual a large number of States were represented by delegates, California sending Laura de Force Gordon, and Oregon, Abigail Scott Duniway. This convention was chiefly remarkable as being the first at which the presidency changed hands--Miss Anthony, instead of Mrs. Stanton, being elected to fill the position of chief officer.

A delegation, consisting of Mrs. Hooker, Mrs. De Force Gordon, and Miss Anthony, was sent by the National Woman Suffrage a.s.sociation to the Presidential Conventions held by the Liberal Republicans at Cincinnati, the Democrats at Baltimore, and the Republicans at Philadelphia. The fruit of all the earnest labor of this delegation was a splinter in the Republican platform. This, however, was something to be grateful for, as it was the first mention of woman in the platform of either of the great political parties during our National existence. On the strength of this plank the following address was issued:

GRANT AND WILSON--APPEAL TO THE WOMEN OF AMERICA FROM THE NATIONAL WOMAN SUFFRAGE a.s.sOCIATION.

Women of the United States, the hour for political action has come. For the first time in the history of our country woman has been recognized in the platform of a large and dominant party.

Philadelphia has spoken and woman is no longer ignored. She is now officially recognized as a part of the body politic. The fourteenth plank of its platform declares:

The Republican party mindful of its obligations to the loyal women of America expresses gratification that wider avenues of employment have been open to women, and it farther declares that her demands for additional rights should be treated with respectful consideration.

We are told that this plank does not say much, that in fact it is only a "splinter;" and our "liberal" friends warn us not to rely upon it as a promise of the ballot to woman. What it is, we know full better than others. We recognize its meagerness; we see in it the timidity of politicians; but beyond and through it all, we farther see its promise of the future. We see in it the thin edge of the entering wedge which shall break woman's slavery in pieces and make us at last a nation truly free--a nation in which the caste of s.e.x shall fall down by the caste of color, and humanity alone shall be the criterion of all human rights. The Republican party has been the party of ideas, of progress. Under its leadership, the nation came safely through the fiery ordeal of the rebellion; under it slavery was destroyed; under it manhood suffrage was established. The women of the country have long looked to it in hope, and not in vain; for to-day we are launched by it into the political arena, and the Republican party must hereafter fight our battles for us. This great party, this progressive party, having taken the initiative step, will never go back on its record. It needed this new and vital issue to keep it in life, for Cincinnati indorsed its work up to this hour; the const.i.tutional amendments, the payment of the bonds in gold, the civil service reform, the restoration of the States. It thanked the soldiers and sailors of the Republic, it proposed lands to actual settlers. The Republican party went up higher; it remembered all citizens. The widows and orphans of the soldiers and sailors were not forgotten; it acknowledged its obligation to the loyal women of the Republic, and to the demands for additional rights, of all women, whatever their cla.s.s, color, or birth, it promised "respectful consideration." Its second plank declared that "complete liberty and exact equality in the enjoyment of all civil, political, and public rights should be established and maintained throughout the Union by efficient and appropriate State and Federal legislation." These two planks are the complement of each other, and are the promise of exact and equal justice to woman. They were the work of radical woman suffrage Republicans--of Wilson, Sargent, Loring, Claflin, h.o.a.r, Fairchild, and others. They were accepted by the candidates.

General Grant, in his letter, expresses his desire to see "the time when the t.i.tle of 'citizen' shall carry with it all the protection and privilege to the humblest, that it does to the most exalted." His course since his elevation to the Presidency has always been favorable to increased rights for women. He has officially recognized their competency, and has given them many government positions. Senator Wilson is an old and staunch advocate of woman suffrage, and his letter in pointed terms refers to the recognition given woman by his party, and says, "to her new demands it extends the hand of grateful recognition, and it commends her demands for additional rights to the calm and careful consideration of the nation." And, too, thus early in the campaign, the strongest men of the party, among whom are Forney, of the Philadelphia _Press_, Gerrit Smith, Bowen, of the New York _Independent_, and President White, of Cornell University, speak of this recognition as introducing a new era into politics.

While the old and tried Republican party in its platform and candidates thus gives woman a.s.surance that her claim to equal political rights is to be respected, the other party in the field gives her no promise either in its platform or the letters of its nominees. The Liberal Republican party is a new party; it has no record; it has done no work; it is wholly untried; it ignores women; and by its silence in regard to the equal rights of one-half of the people--the most important question now in the political horizon--it proves itself unworthy of its name, unworthy of woman's confidence, and unworthy of the votes of truly liberal men. In regard to its candidates, Gratz Brown, once our friend, has practically denied his record. Horace Greeley, its chief nominee, has for years been our most bitter opponent.

Both by tongue and pen he has heaped abuse, ridicule, and misrepresentation upon our leading women, while the whole power of the _Tribune_ has been used to crush out our great reform. And now that he is a candidate for election to the highest office in the country, he still continues his bitter and hostile course toward one half of its citizens. He presses the iron-heel of his despotism upon their liberties; and, in answer to our appeals, he says he "neither desires our help nor believes us capable of giving any."

What can liberty expect from such a man? What can woman hope from such a party? Women of the Republic, you can not in self-respect give your aid to such nominees; you can not in self-respect work for such a party. It has repulsed you, pushed you back, said to you "go hence."

The Republican party, with Grant and Wilson as its standard-bearers, opens its doors to you. By its fourteenth plank it invites your aid and co-operation.

Shall it not have it? Women of the South, will you not work for your own freedom? Women of the North, will you not strive for your own enfranchis.e.m.e.nt?

There is a tide in the affairs of men Which taken at the flood leads on to fortune.

But we must take the current when it serves our turn, Or lose our ventures.

For us to-day this tide has risen; for us to-day the current serves our turn. Let us lay aside our party preferences. Let us one and all forget our many grievances of the past; let us forget the many times we have been ignored, buffeted, and spurned by politicians. Let us throw our whole influence of voice and pen into this campaign, and in making it a success for the Republican party, make it a success for ourselves.

And now an especial word to the Women Suffrage organizations of the country. Prepare to hold ma.s.s meetings in all the large cities of your States; be ready to co-operate with Republican committees; send into the election districts your best women speakers, circulate addresses and doc.u.ments throughout every school district; persuade fathers, brothers, husbands, and sons to work and vote for Grant and Wilson; offer your own votes, as in many election districts women's votes have already been received and counted; in every possible way throw the whole weight of your influence on the side of the Republican party. By persistent, united action for one party during this Presidential canva.s.s, the women suffragists of the nation will make themselves felt as a power by both.

Women speakers, do not hesitate, do not vacillate; let no party or personal consideration bias you to act against the Republican party at this momentous crisis. Remember we owe to it a debt of grat.i.tude that it has made for us this opportunity, that it has thus launched our cause into the political arena, where it must go on and on till justice and equality to woman shall at last triumph in a true Republic; "a government of the people, for the people, and by the people."

On behalf of the National Woman Suffrage a.s.sociation.

SUSAN B. ANTHONY, President, MATILDA JOSLYN GAGE, Chair. Ex. Com.

ROCHESTER, July 19, 1872.

The Congressional Republican Committee published thousands of this appeal, and scattered them over the country. It also telegraphed to the President of the National Woman Suffrage a.s.sociation, to go to Washington in order to consult with the committee as to what women could do to aid in the coming campaign. Miss Anthony's plan was cordially accepted, and liberal appropriations placed at her disposal by both the National and New York Republican Committees for carrying on a series of meetings.[150] The first of this series was at Rochester, and was presided over by Hon. Carter Wilder, Mayor of the city, the last in Cooper Inst.i.tute, New York, at which meeting Luther R. Marsh occupied the chair.

Mrs. Livermore and Mrs. Stanton, by special invitation of Republican State Committees, also took part in the canva.s.s in Connecticut and Pennsylvania.

FOOTNOTES:

[127] Honorables Hamlin, Sumner, Patterson, Rice, Vickers, Pratt, Harris, Cook, Welcker, Williams, Cowles, Bowles, Gilfillen.

[128] On Resolutions--Miss Susan B. Anthony, Dr. J. P. Root, Miss Phoebe Couzins, Rev. Samuel J. May, Mrs. M. E. J. Gage, Mrs. Colby, Mrs. Jacob Ela.

On Finance--Mrs. Paulina W. Davis, Miss S. B. Anthony, Mrs. B.

Lockwood, Mrs. M. Wright, Mr. Wilc.o.x.

On Credentials--Mrs. Josephine S. Griffing, Mr. Stillman, Mrs. A. D.

Cridge.

[129] _Resolved_, That the National Woman's Suffrage Convention respectfully ask the XLI. Congress of the United States--

First. To submit to the Legislatures of the several States a XVI. Amendment to the Federal Const.i.tution, prohibiting the disfranchis.e.m.e.nt of any of their citizens on account of s.e.x.

Second. To strike the word "male" from the laws governing the District of Columbia.

Third. To enfranchise the women of Utah as the one safe, sure and swift means to abolish polygamy in that Territory.

Fourth. To amend the laws of the United States so that women shall receive the same pay as men for services rendered the government.