History of the United States Volume Vi Part 13

Favorable replies to the invitation sent by President Roosevelt were received from all the nations. Russia, then in the midst of war with j.a.pan, while approving, stipulated that the conference should not be called until the end of that war. When peace was restored, in the summer of 1905, Emperor Nicholas II issued an invitation to fifty-three nations to send representatives to such a conference. For the first time, nearly every independent nation on the globe was represented among the delegates in an international gathering of this nature. It met at The Hague during the summer of 1907.

[Ill.u.s.tration: About one hundred delegates.]

First session of the second Peace Conference, The Hague, Holland.

Delegates from the United States were instructed to favor obligatory arbitration; the establishment of a permanent court of arbitration; the prohibition of force in the collection of contract debts; immunity from seizure of private property at sea; a clearer definition of the rights of neutrals, and the limitation of armaments.

While belief was rea.s.serted by the conference that there should be the obligatory arbitration of all questions relating to treaties and international problems of a legal nature, the principle was not adopted, although thirty-two nations of the forty-five represented favored it.

The resolution adopted, which provided for the collection of contract debts, is as follows: "In order to avoid between nations armed conflicts of a purely pecuniary origin arising from contractual debts claimed of the government of one country by the government of another country to be due to its nationals, the signatory powers agree not to have recourse to armed force for the collection of such contractual debts. However, this stipulation shall not be applicable when the debtor State refuses or leaves unanswered an offer to arbitrate; or, in case of acceptance, makes it impossible to formulate the terms of submission; or, after arbitration, fails to comply with the award rendered."

Provision was made for an international prize court, to which appeal might be made from the prize courts of the belligerent powers. The declaration was adopted prohibiting the throwing of projectiles and explosives from balloons.

Before the end of the year 1908, one hundred and thirty-five arbitration treaties had been concluded. The United States was a party to twelve of these. Most of the treaties bind the signatory powers to submit to the Hague Tribunal all differences in so far as they do not affect "the independence, the honor, the vital interests, or the exercise of sovereignty of the contracting countries, and provided it has been impossible to obtain an amicable solution by means of direct diplomatic negotiations or by any other method of conciliation."

CHAPTER VI

THE UNITED STATES AND LATIN AMERICA

[1905-1906]

Looking toward the completion of the Panama Ca.n.a.l, there has been a revival of interest on the part of the United States in the republics of South America. From the time of the promulgation of the Monroe Doctrine, there has been a distant friendship on our part for these nations. The plan inaugurated by James G. Blaine when Secretary of State is much better understood to-day than in his time. In 1881, with the desire of emphasizing the leadership of the United States in the western hemisphere, he proposed a congress of all the American nations. Nothing came of the proposal at the time, but in 1888 Congress pa.s.sed a resolution providing for such an international conference. The meeting was in Washington the following year, and Secretary Blaine, as chairman, exercised great influence. While the direct results of the meeting were not great--princ.i.p.ally a declaration in favor of the arbitration of all disputes among these nations--the indirect benefits were considerable.

In 1901 a second Pan-American congress was held in the city of Mexico.

[Ill.u.s.tration]

Courtesy of the Pan-American Union.

Federal Palace, where the second Pan-American Congress was held in the City of Mexico.

In the meantime the trade with these countries has been largely monopolized by England, France, and Germany. During the year 1905, the total exports and imports of the Latin-American countries amounted to $2,000,000,000. Of this foreign trade the United States bought 35 per cent of the exports and sold to these countries only 27 per cent of their imports, producing an unfavorable balance of trade amounting to $200,000,000. Of the goods imported from this country, over one-fourth went to Mexico and Cuba. In that year Brazil bought from the United States only 11 per cent of its imports. Argentina, with a larger foreign trade than either j.a.pan or China, bought only 14 per cent of its imports from the United States. With the exception of Mexico, the foreign commerce of the Latin-American states with European countries has increased more rapidly than with the United States. Various reasons have been given for this situation. The sensitive South American resents the air of superiority a.s.sumed toward them by the people of the United States. In our newspapers there is a seeming disregard for the real evidences of their national development. Revolutions and boundary disputes have been exaggerated. In general, citizens of the United States have no comprehension of the advancement of these countries within recent times and appreciate but slightly that their economic future is as fully a.s.sured as our own. Argentina const.i.tutes an excellent example of this progress. This country has an area of 1,135,840 square miles. Splendid rivers water the immense plains. The chief of these, the Parana, which flows 2,000 miles through the country, carries a volume of water to the sea one and one-half times that of the Mississippi, and is capable of floating ships having a draught of 18 feet for 600 miles into the interior. Buenos Ayres, with a population of 1,000,000, in 1906 had a volume of foreign trade amounting to $562,000,000, const.i.tuting it the twelfth port in the world. In 1905 over 10,000,000 acres of land were cultivated in Argentina, an increase of fourfold within fifteen years. The cereals, cotton, fruits, and meats produced amounted to $350,000,000.

That the volume of trade between this country and the South American states has been so small has been due also to the fact that so few vessels flying the stars and stripes are engaged in this trade.

According to the report of Secretary Root, in 1906, there were in the harbor of Rio Janeiro the previous year, 1,785 ships flying the flag of Great Britain; 657 the flag of Germany; 349 the French; 142 the Norwegian, and 7 sailing vessels (two of them in distress) the flag of the United States. The bulk of goods from this country to South America goes by the way of European ports and on foreign ships.

[Ill.u.s.tration]

Courtesy of the Pan-American Union.

Monroe Palace, where the third Pan-American Conference was held in Rio de Janeiro.

July 4, 1906, the third Pan-American conference was opened at Rio Janeiro. Among the leading questions discussed were: (1) the right of creditor nations to enforce by war on the debtor nations contractual obligations, or the right to use gun-boats as collection agents; and (2) those relating to commercial intercourse. Besides the regular delegates from the United States, Elihu Root, Secretary of State, was present at the opening session. His address at this meeting, together with his visit to the leading cities, served to inaugurate a new understanding between these countries and the United States. The true American policy was set forth by Secretary Root in the following toast: "May the independence, the freedom, and the rights of the least and weakest be ever respected equally with the rights of the strongest, and may we all do our share toward the building up of a sound and enlightened public opinion of the Americas which shall everywhere, upon both continents, mightily promote the reign of peace, of order, and of justice in every American republic." He went as Amba.s.sador Extraordinary representing the President of the United States. In order to emphasize his official position, he travelled on an American war-ship. His addresses made in the various cities were intended to be an official declaration from the government of the United States, and that position was outlined in his formal address before the congress. "We wish for no victories," he said, "but those of peace; for no territory except our own; for no sovereignty except the sovereignty over ourselves. We deem the independence and equal rights of the smallest and weakest member of the family of nations ent.i.tled to as much respect as those of the greatest empire, and we deem the observance of that respect the chief guaranty of the weak against the oppression of the strong. We neither claim nor desire any rights or privileges or powers that we do not freely concede to every American republic. We wish to increase our prosperity, to expand our trade, to grow in wealth, in wisdom, and in spirit, but our conception of the true way to accomplish this is not to pull down others and profit by their ruin, but to help all friends to a common prosperity and a common growth, that we may all become greater and stronger together."

[Ill.u.s.tration: Large crowd in a downtown street.]

Courtesy of the Pan-American Union.

Arrival of Secretary Root at Rio de Janeiro.

The International Bureau of American Republics was founded as a result of the first Pan-American conference. The original plans of the founders were not carried out owing to a lack of interest on the part of the Department of State as well as in the foreign offices of the South American countries. Secretary Root determined to make this bureau an efficient agency for bringing about better relations between the two continents. He defined the main purpose to be not only to build up trade and commerce among all American nations, but to promote more friendly relations, a better understanding of each other, and the general prosperity and well-being of all the countries of the American continents. Through gifts from Andrew Carnegie and contributions from the different South American states a splendid modern building, costing $1,000,000, was erected in Washington, 1908, as the home of the Bureau of the Pan-American Republics. Besides other enterprises, the Bureau publishes a monthly periodical which contains information on the commerce, new enterprises, and general development of each republic.

[Ill.u.s.tration: Large, two-story marble building.]

Photograph by Clinedinst.

The Bureau of the Pan-American Republics.

With these new relationships came a new interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine. At various times European nations have engaged in controversies with South American states over the payment of debts due the citizens of the former. The question has then arisen, to what extent shall the United States permit the use of force against the debtor nations? The wider application of the Monroe Doctrine under President Cleveland looking toward the maintenance of the rights of the weaker American nations, has been followed by recognition of our obligation to secure the performance of duties by those nations. Said President Roosevelt (1905): "We cannot permanently adhere to the Monroe Doctrine unless we succeed in making it evident, in the first place, that we do not intend to treat it in any shape or way as an excuse for aggrandizement on our part at the expense of the republics to the south of us; second, that we do not intend to permit it to be used by any of these republics as a shield to protect that republic from the consequences of its own misdeeds against foreign nations; third, that inasmuch as by this doctrine we prevent other nations from interfering on this side of the water, we shall ourselves in good faith try to help those of our sister republics, which need such help, upward toward peace and order."

The immediate cause for this statement by President Roosevelt was the problem confronting our government on account of the bankrupt condition of the Republic of Santo Domingo. Debts had acc.u.mulated for over thirty years until by the beginning of 1905 they amounted to more than $32,000,000. Each successive ruler became a more reckless borrower and new loans were secured upon harsher terms.

Finally affairs were brought to a crisis on account of the pressure on the part of the French and Italian governments for the payment of the claims of their citizens. The republic was on the verge of dissolution when President Roosevelt intervened. European governments were satisfied, for it signified the payment of their claims. An agreement was signed by representatives of the government of Santo Domingo and of the United States whereby the United States was to undertake the task of collecting and apportioning the revenues of Santo Domingo. The stipulation was made that no plan of annexation, purchase, or permanent control on the part of the United States should ensue. Agents were to be appointed by the United States who should take charge of the customhouses. Forty-five per cent of the total receipts were to be used in carrying on the affairs of the republic and the balance was to go to pay the indebtedness. In his message, February, 1905, President Roosevelt, pressing upon the Senate the urgent need for the ratification of this agreement, said: "The state of things in Santo Domingo has become hopeless unless the United States or some other strong government shall interpose to bring order out of chaos... . If the United States declines to take action and other foreign governments resort to action to secure payment of their claims, the latter would be ent.i.tled, according to the decision of the Hague Tribunal in the Venezuela cases, to the preferential payment of their claims; and this would absorb all the Dominican revenues and would be a virtual sacrifice of American claims and interests in the island. If, moreover, any such action should be taken by them, the only method to enable the payment of their claims would be to take possession of the custom-houses, and, considering the state of the Dominican finances, this would mean a definite and very possibly permanent occupation of Dominican territory, for no period could be set to the time which would be necessarily required for the payment of their obligations and unliquidated claims." The Senate, in special session, shirked responsibility and refused either to ratify or reject the treaty.

With the revolutionists on the island growing stronger and the European Powers becoming more insistent, President Roosevelt, disregarding the att.i.tude of the Senate, appointed an American as receiver of customs.

The move proved immediately successful. The insurrection died out, trade revived, smuggling ceased, and the people were infused with a new spirit. There was also a remarkable increase in the customs receipts, those of 1906 showing an increase of 44 per cent over the receipts of 1905 and 72 per cent over those of 1904. Although only 45 per cent of the revenues collected were turned over to the Dominican government, this sum was almost double the amount which they had received when they had control of the collection themselves.

After two years of discussion, the treaty was ratified by the Senate, February 25, 1907, and by the Dominican Congress, May 3. The terms were practically those which had been carried out by order of President Roosevelt. The United States, in a sense, became the trustee of Santo Domingo, and thus established a new relation between this country and the smaller republics of the western hemisphere.

CHAPTER VII

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES

[1906]

Toward the close of the nineteenth century, attention was called to the fact by scientific men that the methods employed in the use of our soil, mines, forests, and water supply were extremely wasteful. During the previous decades the resources of the country were regarded as inexhaustible. As stated by President Roosevelt in 1907: "Hitherto as a nation we have tended to live with an eye single to the present, and have permitted the reckless waste and destruction of much of our national wealth." At the same time the call came for the conservation of our natural resources.

The destruction of the forests first attracted attention. The first national reservation of forests was made in 1891, and in 1898 a marked advance was made by the establishment of a division of Forestry in the Department of Agriculture. Gifford Pinchot, as chief of the division, called attention of the people to the interdependence of the forests and the waterways.

[Ill.u.s.tration: Large tree, several hundred feet tall and about twenty feet in diameter.]

Grizzly Giant, Mariposa Grove, California, with a squad of cavalry at its base.

[Ill.u.s.tration: Large tree, with a one lane road cut through the center.]

Big tree "Wanona," showing the relative size of other conifers compared with big trees. Mariposa Grove.

In 1906, after long effort, the famous Mariposa Grove of large trees in California was made a national reservation. During the same year a bill was pa.s.sed by Congress providing for the preservation of Niagara Falls.

Public opinion had been aroused by the campaign of the American Civic a.s.sociation. Power companies had multiplied so rapidly that it seemed the whole volume of water was about to be used for commercial purposes and that the most famous object of natural scenery in the United States would be destroyed.

In response to appeals from the people of the interior, President Roosevelt, March 14, 1907, appointed the Inland Waterways Commission. In his letter which created the commission he said: "The time has come for merging local projects and uses of the inland waters in a comprehensive plan designed for the benefit of the entire country... . I ask that the Inland Waterways Commission shall consider the relations of the streams to the use of all the great permanent natural resources and their conservation for the making and maintenance of prosperous homes."