History of the Rise of the Huguenots Volume I Part 65

163; Calvin's Letters (Bonnet), iv. 239-241. Salignac's reply, from which the extract given above is taken, is characteristic of the man--less conscious of his weakness than Gerard Roussel, but equally faint-hearted. See also Baum, ii. 387, 388.]

[Footnote 1164: See Prof. Baum's graphic account, ii. 390-392. The next day Martyr wrote out and presented a fuller statement of his belief, which is inserted among the doc.u.ments of Baum, ii., App., 84, 85.]

[Footnote 1165: "En tant que la foy rend les choses promises presentes, et que la foy prent veritablement le corps et le sang de nostre Seigneur Jesus-Christ, par la vertu du Sainct-Esprit; en cest esgard nous confessons la presence du corps et du sang d'iceluy en la saincte cene, en laquelle il nous presente, donne et exhibe veritablement la substance de son corps et sang, par l'operation de son Sainct-Esprit; y recevons et mangeons spirituellement et par foy," etc. Mem. de Conde, i. 55; La Place, 199; Jean de Serres, i. 340. Letter of Des Gallars, Baum, ii., App., 83.]

[Footnote 1166: "Nous confessons que Jesus-Christ en sa cene nous presente, donne et exhibe veritablement la substance de son corps et de son sang par l'operation du Sainct-Esprist; et que nous recevons et mangeons spirituellement et par foy ce propre corps, qui est mort pour nous, pour estre os de ses os, et chair de sa chair, a fin d'en estre vivifie, et percevoir tout ce qui est requis a nostre salut. Et pour ce que la foy appuyee sur la parolle de Dieu fait et rend presentes les choses prises, et que par ceste foy nous prenons vrayement et de faict le vray et naturel corps et sang de nostre Seigneur par la vertu du Sainct-Esprit, en cest esgard nous confessons la presence du corps et sang d'iceluy en sa saincte cene." La Place, 199; J. de Serres, i. 341.

Letter of des Gallars, _ubi supra_, 83, 84; Languet, Epist. secr., ii.

148; Mem. de Conde, i. 55.]

[Footnote 1167: Letter of Beza, Oct. 3d and 4th, Baum, ii., App., 93; Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., i. 382.]

[Footnote 1168: "Peutetre qu'il pensait dire vrai," shrewdly observes the author of the Hist. des eglises reformees (i. 382), "_n'ayant jamais le loisir telles gens de bien penser, s'ils croient ou non, ni a ce qu'ils pensent croire_."]

[Footnote 1169: Letter of N. des Gallars, _ubi supra_, 84: "Quum hanc formam legisset Cardinalis, mire approbavit, ac laetatus est quasi ad ejus castra transissemus."]

[Footnote 1170: "Intelligimus etiam ipsos a suis objurgari quasi sentiant n.o.bisc.u.m aut colludant." Letter of N. des Gallars, Oct. 6th, _ubi supra_. See also letter of Beza, Oct. 3d, Baum, ii., App., 94.]

[Footnote 1171: The most extended and accurate view of the Colloquy of Poissy is afforded by Prof. Baum, who has consecrated to it two hundred and fifty pages of the second volume of his masterly biography of Beza (pp. 168-419). The correspondence of Beza and others that were present at the colloquy, collected by Prof. Baum in the supplementary volume of doc.u.ments (published in 1852), and the detailed accounts of the Histoire eccles. des egl. ref, of La Place (Commentaires de l'estat de la rel. et republique, which here terminate), and of Jean de Serres, who, in this part of his history, does little more than translate La Place, are the most important sources of authentic information. Castelnau's account of the colloquy (1. iii., c. 4) is remarkably incorrect. He makes the ten delegates confer together for _three months_, without agreeing on a single point, and finally separate on the 25th of November. Davila is brief and unsatisfactory (pp. 50, 51).]

[Footnote 1172: From what Martyr wrote to the magistrates of Zurich (Oct. 17th) respecting the conduct of the bishops in connection with the subscription to the canons, it would appear that the close of the prelatic a.s.sembly did not disgrace the amenities of the debates at its commencement (see _ante_, p. 499): "Accidit mira Dei providentia, ut repente inter episcopos, qui erant Poysiaci, tam grave dissidium ortum fuerit, ut fere ad ma.n.u.s venerint, imo, ut homines fide digni affirmant res _ut pugnis et unguibus_ est acta." Baum, ii., App., 107. See also the extract from Martyr's letter of the same date to Bullinger, cited by Prof. Baum, ii. 401, note.]

[Footnote 1173: Histoire eccles., i. 383-405. See Baum, ii. 399-401.]

[Footnote 1174: The vote was, according to Beza's letter of Oct. 21st, sixteen millions of francs with interest within six years (Baum, ii., App. 109); according to the Journal of Bruslart, Mem. de Conde, i. 53, within twelve years. Prof. Soldan, Geschichte des Prot. in Frankreich, i. 512, 513, gives the details of the famous "Contract of Poissy." It must be admitted that both n.o.bles and people were ready enough with plans for paying off the national indebtedness _out of the property of the Church_. These generous economists found that, according to the ancient customs, one-third of the ecclesiastical revenues ought to be employed for the support of the clergy, one-third to be given to the poor, and the remaining third expended in keeping the sacred edifices in repair. They proposed, therefore, to relieve the clergy of the latter two-thirds of their possessions, and apply them to the extinction of the royal debt, a.s.suming that the nation would maintain the churches in better condition, and feed the poor more effectively than had ever been done hitherto! Languet, Letter of Aug. 17th, Epist. secr., ii. 136.]

[Footnote 1175: Baum, ii. 408.]

[Footnote 1176: Oct. 20th, according to Recueil des anc. lois franc., xiv. 122.]

[Footnote 1177: Text of the edict in Mem. de Conde, ii. 520-528 (De Thou, iii. 99, following the Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., erroneously gives the date as Nov. 3d); Letter of Beza, Oct. 21st, Baum, ii., App., 109; Letter of Martyr, Oct. 17th, ibid., 107.]

[Footnote 1178: Beza, _ubi supra_; Car. Joinvillaeus, Nov. 5th, Baum, ii., App., 123.]

[Footnote 1179: Oct. 19th, according to Bruslart, Mem. de Conde, i. 59.

According to La Place, the a.s.sembly of the prelates did not break up until the 30th of October, after a session of about three months: "Et le trentiesme dudict mois ... fut ainsi finie ladicte a.s.semblee, sans apporter autre fruict, apres avoir este toutesfois a.s.sembles [les prelats] par l'es.p.a.ce de trois mois ou environ." (Page 201.)]

[Footnote 1180: "De fait," wrote Calvin of the Augsburg Confession, "elle est _si maigrement bastie, si molle et si obscure_, qu'on ne s'y sauroit arrester." Letter to Beza, Sept. 24, 1561. Bonnet, Lettres franc., ii. 428; Baum, ii., App., 70.]

[Footnote 1181: The account of the occasion of the mission of delegates from Germany, given in the text, is based on Soldan, Gesch. des Prot, in Frankreich, i. 531-537. He has, I think, sufficiently demonstrated the inaccuracy of the ordinary story (accepted even by Prof. Baum, Theod.

Beza, ii. 370, 419, etc.), which attributes their advent chiefly, if not wholly, to the desire of Lorraine. It is said that, after hearing Beza's speech of the ninth of September, the cardinal sought to obtain, through the instrumentality of the Marshal de Vieilleville, at Metz, and his salaried spy Rascalon, at Heidelberg, some decided Lutherans, to be employed in bringing the Protestants at Poissy into contempt, through the wrangling of their theologians with those of Germany. See the Hist.

eccles. des egl. ref., etc. Yet it is not improbable, as La Place, Commentaires, 200, seems to hint that Navarre's project was maliciously countenanced by the Cardinal of Lorraine. But the circ.u.mstance that, of the _five_ German theologians, not less than _two_ were opposed to the Augsburg Confession, proves conclusively that they could not have been despatched with the view of helping the cardinal out in his attempt.

Bossuet's admiration of the prelate's sagacity, in thus seeking to give a brilliant demonstration of the variations of doctrine among Protestants, certainly seems to be wasted.]

[Footnote 1182: _Ante_, c. xi., p. 493.]

[Footnote 1183: See the list of the twenty members of the council, in Recueil des anc. lois franc., xiv. 55, 56.]

[Footnote 1184: See Baum, ii. 215.]

[Footnote 1185: "Affulserat aliqua spes concordiae, sed Legatus Pontificius, i. e., Cardinalis Ferrariensis omnia perturbavit." Letter of Martyr to the magistrates of Zurich, Oct. 17, 1561, Baum, ii., App., 108.]

[Footnote 1186: "Quique ingenio, eloquentia, _artificio_ plurimum valebat." Prosp. Santacrucii, Comment de civil. Galliae dissen., 1461.]

[Footnote 1187: "Ne ipse exequiis, ut dicebat, illius regni interesset."

Ibid., _ubi supra_. Somewhat maliciously Santa Croce suggests that Gualtieri was all the more reluctant to remain after he heard of the creation of nineteen new cardinals, and learned that his own name was not included in the list.]

[Footnote 1188: "Angebatur interea Romae gravissimis curis Pius pontifex, quod nec quae legati fecissent satis probaret, et in dies malum magis serpere, omniaque remedia minus juvare audiebat." Ib., 1462.]

[Footnote 1189: He was described to the Pope by his secretary, Prosper himself tells us, as "virum exercitatum, magni animi, multarum literarum, eloquentem, magnaeque apud Gallos auctoritatis," having obtained great familiarity with French affairs when nuncio in Henry the Second's lifetime. Ib., 1463.]

[Footnote 1190: "Non tam ut numerus legatorum, quam ut plus auctoritatis legatio haberet, si ab ipsius (ut dic.u.n.t) pontificis latere legatus discederet ... quasi aliorum legatorum creatio, quod erant jam in Gallia, neque Roma proficiscerentur, non satis diligenter curare negotium diceretur." Ib., 1462.]

[Footnote 1191: "Grande hombre de entretenimientos y de encantar."

Vargas calls him. Letter to Granvelle, Nov. 15, 1561, Papiers d'etat du card. de Granvelle, vi. 416.]

[Footnote 1192: "Diess waren zwolf gewiss machtige Grunde," etc. Baum, ii. 302; La Place, 153; Marc' Ant. Barbaro, Rel. des Amb. Ven., ii. 86.]

[Footnote 1193: "Multum inde auri reportaturus existimetur, si ibi annum vel biennium communi omnium more transigat." Santacrucii, de civil.

Galliae diss. comment., 1464.]

[Footnote 1194: That is, excepting the cardinal's hat, which his friends informed him would be the reward of his services in France. Ibid., _ubi supra_.]

[Footnote 1195: Ibid., 1462, 1463, 1465.]

[Footnote 1196: Ibid., 1465.]

[Footnote 1197: "Lugduno hucusque omnes fere declinavit urbes in itinere, ut quae jam habeant Ministros, et ideo irrisiones extimuerit."

Letter of Peter Martyr, Sept. 19th, Baum, ii., App., 68.]

[Footnote 1198: "These artifices," wrote Languet from Paris at the time, "impose upon no one; and especially from this man, who is very well known here, who heretofore has surpa.s.sed even the highest princes in the luxury and splendor of his mode of life, and of whose utter want of knowledge of letters no one is ignorant." Letter of Sept. 20, 1561, Epist. secr., ii. 140.]

[Footnote 1199: La Place, 153.]

[Footnote 1200: Ibid., _ubi supra_; Baum, ii. 305.]

[Footnote 1201: Letter of the amba.s.sador, Hurault de Bois-Taille, July 12, 1561, Le Laboureur, Add. to Castelnau, i. 729. Hurault, however, suspected that some mischief, which time would reveal, lay concealed under this outward show of complaisance.]

[Footnote 1202: La Place, 153.]

[Footnote 1203: Ibid., _ubi supra_.]

[Footnote 1204: Compare Baum, ii. 302, 303.]

[Footnote 1205: Santacrucii, de civil. Galliae diss. com., 1465: "Quod mirum in modum oderat episcopi Viterbensis et mores agrestes, et naturam subacerbam, semperque, ut diximus, male ominantem." Vargas, viewing the same personage from another point, was far more complimentary. Papiers d'etat du cardinal de Granvelle, vi. 404, 405.]

[Footnote 1206: Marc' Antonio Barbaro, Relations des Amba.s.sadeurs Venitiens, ii. 88; Letter of Santa Croce, Poissy, Nov. 15, 1561, Lettres anecdotes ecrites au card. Borromee par Prosper de Sainte-Croix, nonce du pape Pie IV. aupres de Catherine de Medicis, 1561-1565. (Aymon, Tous les synodes nat. (1710), i. 15.) Vargas, Spanish amba.s.sador at the papal court, who feared that the legate might be induced to lend his influence to Navarre's scheme for procuring a rest.i.tution of his wife's domains, or an equivalent for them, besieged the pontiff with accounts of his scandalous intimacy with French heretics of rank. "Repetile lo que otras vezes le havia dicho, y con quanto escandolo y ofension de la religion se tractava en Francia, estrechandose en amistad con Vandoma y almirante Chatiglon, obispo de Valencia, y los demas princ.i.p.ales hereges, con gran desconsuelo y desfavor de los catholicos; y de como no era hombre apto para una legacion semejante," etc. He accused him of already aiming at the pontifical see, as if it were now vacant, and urged his immediate recall. Letter of Vargas to Philip II. from Rome, Nov. 7, 1561; Papiers d'etat du cardinal de Granvelle, vi. 403, 404; see also pp. 405, 406.]

[Footnote 1207: Examine the curious pa.s.sage in Santacrucii, de civil.

Galliae diss. comment., 1470, 1471.]