History of the Reformation in the Sixteenth Century Volume II Part 1

History of the Reformation in the Sixteenth Century.

Vol 2.

by J. H. Merle D'Aubigne.

BOOK FIFTH.

CHAP. I.

THE DISCUSSION OF LEIPSIC, 1519.

Luther's Dangers--G.o.d saves Luther--The Pope sends a Chamberlain--The Legate's Journey--Briefs of Rome--Circ.u.mstances favourable to the Reformation--Milt.i.tz with Spalatin--Tezel's Terror--Caresses of Milt.i.tz--A Recantation demanded--Luther refuses, but offers to be silent--Agreement between Luther and the Nuncio--The Legate's Embrace--Tezel overwhelmed by the Legate--Luther to the Pope--Nature of the Reformation--Luther against Separation--De Vie and Milt.i.tz at Treves--Luther's cause extends in different countries--Luther's writings the commencement of the Reformation.

Dangers had gathered round Luther and the Reformation. The doctor of Wittemberg's appeal to a General Council was a new attack on papal authority. By a bull of Pius II, the greater excommunication had been denounced even against emperors who should dare to incur the guilt of such a revolt. Frederick of Saxony, as yet imperfectly confirmed in evangelical doctrine, was prepared to send Luther away from his states;[1] and hence a new message from Leo might have thrown the Reformer among strangers, who would be afraid to compromise themselves by receiving a monk whom Rome had anathematised. And even should the sword of some n.o.ble be drawn in his defence, mere knights, unable to cope with the powerful princes of Germany, must soon have succ.u.mbed in the perilous enterprise.

[1] Letter of the Elector to his envoy at Rome, (L. Op. (L.) xvii, p.

298.)

[Sidenote: G.o.d SAVES LUTHER. MILt.i.tZ.]

But at the moment when all the courtiers of Leo X were urging him to rigorous measures, and when one blow more might have placed his adversary in his hands, the pope suddenly changed his course to one of conciliation and apparent mildness.[2] It may be said, no doubt, that he was under a delusion as to the Elector's feelings, and deemed them more decided in Luther's favour than they really were. It may also be admitted that the public voice and the spirit of the age, powers which at this time were altogether new, seemed to throw an impregnable barrier around the Reformer. It may even be supposed, with one of Leo's biographers,[3] that he followed the promptings of his mind and heart which inclined to gentleness and moderation. Still this new mode of action on the part of Rome, at such a moment, is so extraordinary that it is impossible not to recognise in it a higher and mightier hand.

[2] "Rationem agendi prorsus oppositam inire statuit," (Pallavicini, Hist. Conc. Trid. T. i, p. 51).

[3] Roscoe's Life of Leo X.

There was then at the Court of Rome a Saxon n.o.ble who was chamberlain to the pope and canon of Mentz, Treves, and Meissen. He had turned his talents to advantage. As he boasted of being, in some degree, allied to the Saxon princes, the Roman courtiers sometimes designated him by the t.i.tle of Duke of Saxony. In Italy he made an absurd display of his German n.o.bility, while in Germany he aped the manners and polish of the Italians. He was given to wine[4]--a vice which his residence at the Court of Rome had increased. Still the Roman courtiers hoped great things from him. His German extraction--his insinuating address--and his ability in negotiation--all led them to expect that Charles de Milt.i.tz (this was his name) would, by his prudence, succeed in arresting the mighty revolution which was threatening to shake the world.

[4] Nec ab usu immoderato vini abstinuit, (Pallavicini Hist. Conc.

Trid. i, p. 69).

It was of importance to conceal the true object of the chamberlain's mission, and in this there was no difficulty. Four years before, the pious Elector had applied to the pope for the golden rose. This rose, the fairest of flowers, was emblematic of the body of Jesus Christ, and being annually consecrated by the sovereign pontiff, was presented to one of the first princes in Europe. On this occasion it was resolved to send it to the Elector. Milt.i.tz set out with a commission to examine into the state of affairs, and to gain over the Elector's counsellors, Spalatin and Pfeffinger, for whom he had special letters.

Rome hoped that, by securing the favour of the persons about the prince, she would soon become mistress of her formidable adversary.

[Sidenote: MILt.i.tZ. LUTHER'S DANGER.]

The new legate, who arrived in Germany in December 1518, was careful as he came along to ascertain the state of public opinion. To his great astonishment he observed, at every place where he stopped, that the majority of the inhabitants were friendly to the Reformation,[5]

and spoke of Luther with enthusiasm. For one person favourable to the pope, there were three favourable to the Reformer.[6] Luther has preserved an anecdote of the journey--"What think you of the see (seat) of Rome?" frequently asked the legate at the mistresses of the inns and their maidservants. One day, one of these poor women, with great simplicity, replied--"How can we know what kind of seats you have at Rome, and whether they are of wood or stone?"[7]

[5] "Sciscitatus per viam Milt.i.txius quanam esset in aestimatione Lutherus ... sensit de eo c.u.m admiratione homines loqui."

(Pallavicini, Hist. Concil. Trid. Tom. i, p. 51.)

[6] "Ecce ubi unum pro papa stare inveni, tres pro te contra papam stabant." (L. Op. Lat. in Praef.)

[7] Quid nos scire possumus quales vos Romae habeatis sellas, ligneasne an lapideas (Ibid.)

The mere rumour of the new legate's arrival filled the Elector's court, the university, the town of Wittemberg, and all Saxony, with suspicion and distrust. "Thank G.o.d," wrote Melancthon, in alarm,[8]

"Martin still breathes." It was confidently stated that the Roman chamberlain had received orders to possess himself of Luther's person, by force or fraud; and the doctor was advised, on all hands, to be on his guard against the stratagems of Milt.i.tz. "His object in coming,"

said they, "is to seize you and give you up to the pope. Persons worthy of credit have seen the briefs of which he is the bearer." "I await the will of G.o.d," replied Luther.[9]

[8] "Martinus noster, Deo gratias, adhuc spirat." (Corpus Reformatorum. Edidit Bretschneider, I,61.)

[9] Expecto consilium Dei. (L. Ep. i, p. 191.)

In fact, Milt.i.tz brought letters addressed to the Elector and his counsellors, to the bishops and to the burgomaster of Wittemberg. He was also provided with seventy apostolic briefs. Should the flattery and the favours of Rome attain their object, and Frederick deliver Luther into her hands, these seventy briefs were to serve as a kind of pa.s.sports. He was to produce and post up one of them in each of the towns through which he had to pa.s.s, and hoped he might thus succeed in dragging his prisoner, without opposition, all the way to Rome.[10]

[10] Per singula oppida affigeret unum, et ita tutus me perduceret Romam. (L. Op. Lat. in Praef.)

The pope seemed to have taken every precaution. The electoral court knew not well what course to take. Violence would have been resisted, but the difficulty was to oppose the chief of Christianity, when speaking with so much mildness, and apparently with so much reason.

Would it not be the best plan, it was said, to place Luther somewhere in concealment until the storm was over?... An unexpected event relieved Luther, the Elector, and the Reformation, from this difficult situation. The aspect of affairs suddenly changed.

[Sidenote: CIRc.u.mSTANCES FAVOURABLE TO THE REFORMATION.]

On the 12th of January, 1519, Maximilian, the Emperor of Germany, died, and Frederick of Saxony, agreeably to the Germanic const.i.tution, became regent of the empire. From this time the Elector feared not the schemes of nuncios, while new interests began to engross the court of Rome--interests which, obliging her to be chary of giving offence to Frederick, arrested the blow which Milt.i.tz and De Vio were undoubtedly meditating.

The pope earnestly desired to prevent Charles of Austria, already King of Naples, from ascending the imperial throne. A neighbouring king appeared to him more formidable than a German monk; and in his anxiety to secure the Elector, who might be of essential service to him in the matter, he resolved to give some respite to the monk that he might be the better able to oppose the king. Both, however, advanced in spite of him.

In addition to the change thus produced in Leo, there was another circ.u.mstance which tended to avert the storm impending over the Reformation. The death of the emperor was immediately followed by political commotions. In the south of the empire the Swabian confederation sought to punish Ulric of Wurtemberg, for his infidelity to it, while in the south, the Bishop of Hildesheim proceeded, sword in hand, to invade the bishopric of Minden, and the territories of the Duke of Brunswick. How could men in power, amid such disturbances, attach any importance to a dispute relating to the remission of sins?

But, above all, the reputation for wisdom enjoyed by the Elector, now regent of the empire, and the protection which he gave to the new teachers, were made subservient by Providence to the progress of the Reformation. "The tempest," says Luther, "intermitted its fury, and papal excommunication began to fall into contempt. The gospel, under the shade of the Elector's regency, spread far and wide, and in this way great damage was sustained by the papacy."[11]

[11] "Tunc desiit paululum saevire tempestas...." (L. Op. Lat. in Praef.)

Moreover, the severest prohibitions were naturally mitigated during an interregnum. In every thing there was more freedom and greater facility of action. Liberty which began to shed its rays on the infant Reformation, rapidly developed the still tender plant, and any one might have been able to predict how favourable political freedom would prove to the progress of evangelical Christianity.

[Sidenote: MILt.i.tZ WITH SPALATIN. TEZEL'S TERROR.]

Milt.i.tz, having arrived in Saxony before the death of Maximilian, lost no time in visiting his old friend Spalatin; but no sooner did he begin his complaint against Luther than the chaplain made an attack upon Tezel, acquainting the nuncio with the lies and blasphemies of the vender of indulgences, and a.s.suring him that all Germany blamed the Dominican for the division which was rending the Church.

Milt.i.tz was taken by surprise. Instead of accuser he had become the accused. Turning all his wrath upon Tezel, he summoned him to appear at Altenburg and give an account of his conduct.

The Dominican, as great a coward as a bully, and afraid of the people whom he had provoked by his impostures, had ceased his peregrinations over town and country, and was living in retirement in the college of St. Paul. He grew pale on receiving the letter of Milt.i.tz. Even Rome is abandoning, threatening, and condemning him--is insisting on dragging him from the only asylum in which he feels himself in safety, and exposing him to the fury of his enemies.... Tezel refused to obey the nuncio's summons. "a.s.suredly," wrote he to Milt.i.tz, on the 31st of December, 1518, "I would not regard the fatigues of the journey if I could leave Leipsic without endangering my life; but the Augustin, Martin Luther, has so stirred up men in power, and incensed them against me that I am not in safety any where. A great number of Luther's partizans have conspired my death, and therefore I cannot possibly come to you."[12] There was a striking contrast between the two men, the one of whom was then living in the college of St. Paul at Leipsic, and the other in the cloister of the Augustins at Wittemberg.

In presence of danger the servant of G.o.d displayed intrepid courage--the servant of men despicable cowardice.

[12] Loscher, ii, 567.

Milt.i.tz had orders, in the first instance, to employ the arms of persuasion; and it was only in the event of failure that he was to produce his seventy briefs, and at the same time endeavour, by all the favours of Rome, to induce the Elector to put down Luther. He accordingly expressed a desire to have an interview with the Reformer.

Their common friend, Spalatin, offered his house for this purpose, and Luther left Wittemberg on the 2nd or 3rd of January to repair to Altenburg.

At this interview Milt.i.tz exhausted all the address of a diplomatist and a Roman courtier. The moment Luther arrived the nuncio approached him with great demonstrations of friendship. "O," thought Luther, "how completely his violence is turned into gentleness! This new Saul came into Germany provided with more than seventy apostolic briefs to carry me alive and in chains to murderous Rome, but the Lord has cast him down on the way."[13]

[13] Sed per viam a Domino prostratus ... mutavit violentiam in benevolentiam fallacissime simulatam. (L. Ep. i, p. 206.)

[Sidenote: MILt.i.tZ'S CARESSES.]

"Dear Martin," said the pope's chamberlain to him in a coaxing tone, "I thought you were an old theologian sitting quietly behind your stove, and stuffed with theological crotchets; but I see that you are still young, and in the full vigour of life.[14] Do you know,"