History of the Reformation in the Sixteenth Century Volume V Part 55

CHAPTER VIII.

The Royal Session--Sitting of the 18th June; the Queen's Protest--Sitting of the 21st June--Summons to the King and Queen--Catherine's Speech--She retires--Impression on the audience--The King's Declaration--Wolsey's Protest--Quarrel between the Bishops--New sitting--Apparition to the Maid of Kent--Wolsey chafed by Henry--The Earl of Wiltshire at Wolsey's--Private Conference between Catherine and the two Legates.

[Sidenote: THE ROYAL SESSION.]

Affairs had changed in England during the absence of Tonstall and More; and even before their departure, events of a certain importance had occurred. Henry, finding there was nothing more to hope from Rome, had turned to Wolsey and Campeggio. The Roman nuncio had succeeded in deceiving the king. "Campeggio is very different from what he is reported," said Henry to his friends; "he is not for the emperor, as I was told; I have said somewhat to him which has changed his mind."[980] No doubt he had made some brilliant promise.

[980] Burnet, Records, p. x.x.xv.

[Sidenote: THE COMMISSION OPENED.]

Henry therefore, imagining himself sure of his two legates, desired them to proceed with the matter of the divorce without delay. There was no time to lose, for the king was informed that the pope was on the point of recalling the commission given to the two cardinals; and as early as the 19th of March, Salviati, the pope's uncle and secretary of state, wrote to Campeggio about it.[981] Henry's process, once in the court of the pontifical chancery, it would have been long before it got out again. Accordingly, on the 31st of May, the king, by a warrant under the great seal, gave the legates _leave_ to execute their commission, "without any regard to his own person, and having the fear of G.o.d only before their eyes."[982] The legates themselves had suggested this formula to the king.

[981] E quanto altro non si possa, forse si pensera ad avvocare la causa a se. Lettere di XIII uomini ill.u.s.tri, 19th March 1529.

[982] Ut solum Deum prae oculis habentes. Rymer, Acta ad annum.

On the same day the commission was opened; but to begin the process was not to end it. Every letter which the nuncio received forbade him to do so in the most positive manner. "Advance slowly and never finish," were Clement's instructions.[983] The trial was to be a farce, played by a pope and two cardinals.

[983] Sua beat.i.tudine ricorda, che il procedere sia lento ed in modo alcuno non si _venghi al giudicio_. To Card. Campeggio, 29th May, 1529. Lett. di Principi.

The ecclesiastical court met in the great hall of the Blackfriars, commonly called the "parliament chamber." The two legates having successively taken the commission in their hands, devoutly declared that they were resolved to execute it (they should have said, to elude it), made the required oaths, and ordered a peremptory citation of the king and queen to appear on the 18th of June at nine in the morning.

Campeggio was eager to proceed _slowly_; the session was adjourned for three weeks. The citation caused a great stir among the people.

"What!" said they, "a king and a queen constrained to appear, in their own realm, before their own subjects." The papacy set an example which was to be strictly followed in after-years both in England and in France.

[Sidenote: A ROYAL SITTING.]

On the 18th of June Catherine appeared before the commission in the parliament chamber, and stepping forward with dignity, said with a firm voice: "I protest against the legates as incompetent judges, and appeal to the pope."[984] This proceeding of the queen's, her pride and firmness, troubled her enemies, and in their vexation they grew exasperated against her. "Instead of praying G.o.d to bring this matter to a good conclusion," they said, "she endeavours to turn away the people's affections from the king. Instead of showing Henry the love of a youthful wife, she keeps away from him night and day. There is even cause to fear," they added, "that she is in concert with certain individuals who have formed the horrible design of killing the king and the cardinal."[985] But persons of generous heart, seeing only a queen, a wife, and a mother, attacked in her dearest affections, showed themselves full of sympathy for her.

[984] Se in illos tanquam judices suos non a.s.sentire, ad papam provocavit. (Sanders, p. 32.) Refusing to acknowledge them as her judges, she appealed to the pope.

[985] Burnet's Ref. i. p. 54.

On the 21st of June, the day to which the court adjourned, the two legates entered the parliament chamber with all the pomp belonging to their station, and took their seats on a raised platform. Near them sat the bishops of Bath and Lincoln, the abbot of Westminster, and Doctor Taylor, master of the Rolls, whom they had added to their commission. Below them were the secretaries, among whom the skilful Stephen Gardiner held the chief rank. On the right hung a cloth of estate where the king sat surrounded by his officers; and on the left, a little lower, was the queen, attended by her ladies. The archbishop of Canterbury and the bishops were seated between the legates and Henry VIII, and on both sides of the throne were stationed the counsellors of the king and queen. The latter were Fisher, bishop of Rochester, Standish of St. Asaph, West of Ely, and Doctor Ridley. The people, when they saw this procession defile before them, were far from being dazzled by the pomp. "Less show and more virtue," they said, "would better become such judges."

[Sidenote: THE QUEEN'S APPEAL TO THE KING.]

The pontifical commission having been read, the legates declared that they would judge without fear or favour, and would admit of neither recusation nor appeal.[986] Then the usher cried: "Henry, king of England, come into court." The king, cited in his own capital to accept as judges two priests, his subjects, repressed the throbbing of his proud heart, and replied, in the hope that this strange trial would have a favourable issue: "Here I am." The usher continued: "Catherine, queen of England, come into court." The queen handed the cardinals a paper in which she protested against the legality of the court, as the judges were the subjects of her opponent,[987] and appealed to Rome. The cardinals declared they could not admit this paper, and consequently Catherine was again called into court. At this second summons she rose, devoutly crossed herself, made the circuit of the court to where the king sat, bending with dignity as she pa.s.sed in front of the legates, and fell on her knees before her husband. Every eye was turned upon her. Then speaking in English, but with a Spanish accent, which by recalling the distance she was from her native home, pleaded eloquently for her, Catherine said with tears in her eyes, and in a tone at once dignified and impa.s.sioned:

"SIR,--I beseech you, for all the love that hath been between us, and for the love of G.o.d, let me have justice and right; take some pity on me, for I am a poor woman and a stranger, born out of your dominions.

I have here no a.s.sured friend, much less impartial counsel, and I flee to you as to the head of justice within this realm. Alas! Sir, wherein have I offended you, or what occasion given you of displeasure, that you should wish to put me from you? I take G.o.d and all the world to witness, that I have been to you a true, humble, and obedient wife, ever conformable to your will and pleasure. Never have I said or done aught contrary thereto, being always well pleased and content with all things wherein you had delight; neither did I ever grudge in word or countenance, or show a visage or spark of discontent. I loved all those whom you loved, only for your sake. This twenty years I have been your true wife, and by me ye have had divers children, although it hath pleased G.o.d to call them out of this world, which yet hath been no default in me."

[986] The king's letter to his amba.s.sadors at Rome, 23rd June. Ibid.

Records, p. liv.

[987] Personas judic.u.m non solum regi devinctas verum et subjectas esse. (Sanders, p. 35.) Her judges were not only in the interest of the king, but were even his subjects.

[Sidenote: THE QUEEN WITHDRAWS.]

The judges, and even the most servile of the courtiers, were touched when they heard these simple and eloquent words, and the queen's sorrow moved them almost to tears. Catherine continued:--

"SIR,--When ye married me at the first, I take G.o.d to be my judge I was a true maid; and whether it be true or not, I put it to your conscience.... If there be any just cause that ye can allege against me, I am contented to depart from your kingdom, albeit to my great shame and dishonour; and if there be none, then let me remain in my former estate until death. Who united us? The king, your father, who was called the second Solomon; and my father, Ferdinand, who was esteemed one of the wisest princes that, for many years before, had reigned in Spain. It is not, therefore, to be doubted that the marriage between you and me is good and lawful. Who are my judges? Is not one the man that has put sorrow between you and me?[988]... a judge whom I refuse and abhor!--Who are the councillors a.s.signed me?

Are they not officers of the crown, who have made oath to you in your own council?... Sir, I conjure you not to call me before a court so formed. Yet, if you refuse me this favour ... your will be done.... I shall be silent, I shall repress the emotions of my soul, and remit my just cause to the hands of G.o.d."

[988] Qui dissensionem inter ipsam et virum suum. (Polyd. Virg. p.

688.) Who put dissension between her and her husband.

Thus spoke Catherine through her tears;[989] humbly bending, she seemed to embrace Henry's knees. She rose and made a low obeisance to the king. It was expected that she would return to her seat; but leaning on the arm of Griffiths, her receiver-general, she moved towards the door. The king, observing this, ordered her to be recalled; and the usher following her, thrice cried aloud: "Catherine, queen of England, come into court."--"Madam," said Griffiths, "you are called back."--"I hear it well enough," replied the queen, "but go you on, for this is no court wherein I can have justice: let us proceed."

Catherine returned to the palace, and never again appeared before the court either by proxy or in person.[990]

[989] Haec illa flebiliter dicente. Polyd. Virg. p. 686, and Cavendish.

[990] Burnet, Records, p. 36. In this letter the king says: Both we and the queen appeared in person.

She had gained her cause in the minds of many. The dignity of her person, the quaint simplicity of her speech, the propriety with which, relying upon her innocence, she had spoken of the most delicate subjects, and the tears which betrayed her emotion, had created a deep impression. But "the sting in her speech," as an historian says,[991]

was her appeal to the king's conscience, and to the judgment of Almighty G.o.d, on the capital point in the cause. "How could a person so modest, so sober in her language," said many, "dare utter such a falsehood? Besides, the king did not contradict her."

[991] Fuller, p. 173.

[Sidenote: HENRY JUSTIFIES HIMSELF.]

Henry was greatly embarra.s.sed: Catherine's words had moved him.

Catherine's defence, one of the most touching in history, had gained over the accuser himself. He therefore felt constrained to render this testimony to the accused: "Since the queen has withdrawn, I will, in her absence, declare to you all present, that she has been to me as true and obedient a wife as I could desire. She has all the virtues and good qualities that belong to a woman. She is as n.o.ble in character as in birth."

But Wolsey was the most embarra.s.sed of all. When the queen had said, without naming him, that one of her judges was the cause of all her misfortunes, looks of indignation were turned upon him.[992] He was unwilling to remain under the weight of this accusation. As soon as the king had finished speaking, he said: "Sir, I humbly beg your majesty to declare before this audience, whether I was the first or chief mover in this business." Wolsey had formerly boasted to Du Bellay, "that the first project of the divorce was set on foot by himself, to create a perpetual separation between the houses of England and Spain;"[993] but now it suited him to affirm the contrary.

The king, who needed his services, took care not to contradict him.

"My lord cardinal," he said, "I can well excuse you herein. Marry, so far from being a mover, ye have been rather against me in attempting thereof. It was the bishop of Tarbes, the French amba.s.sador, who begot the first scruples in my conscience by his doubts on the legitimacy of the princess Mary." This was not correct. The bishop of Tarbes was not in England before the year 1527, and we have proofs that the king was meditating a divorce in 1526.[994] "From that hour," he continued, "I was much troubled, and thought myself in danger of G.o.d's heavy displeasure, who, wishing to punish my incestuous marriage, had taken away all the sons my wife had borne me. I laid my grief before you, my lord of Lincoln, then being my ghostly father; and by your advice I asked counsel of the rest of the bishops, and you all informed me under your seals, that you shared in my scruples."--"That is the truth," said the archbishop of Canterbury.--"No, Sir, not so, under correction," quoth the bishop of Rochester, "you have not my hand and seal."--"No?" exclaimed the king, showing him a paper which he held in his hand; "is not this your hand and seal?"--"No, forsooth," he answered. Henry's surprise increased, and turning with a frown to the archbishop of Canterbury, he asked him: "What say you to that?" "Sir, it is his hand and seal," replied Warham.--"It is not," rejoined Rochester; "I told you I would never consent to any such act."--"You say the truth," responded the archbishop, "but you were fully resolved at the last, that I should subscribe your name and put your seal."--"All which is untrue," added Rochester, in a pa.s.sion. The bishop was not very respectful to his primate. "Well, well," said the king, wishing to end the dispute, "we will not stand in argument with you; for you are but one man."[995] The court adjourned. The day had been better for Catherine than for the prelates.

[992] Vidisses Wolseum infestis fere omnium oculis conspici. (Polyd.

Virg. p. 688.) You might see almost all eyes indignantly turned on Wolsey.

[993] Du Bellay to Montmorency. Le Grand, Preuves, pp. 186, 319.

[994] See Pace's letter to Henry in 1526. Le Grand, Preuves, p. 1.

Pace there shows that it is incorrect to say: _Deuteronomium abrogare Levitic.u.m_ (Deuteronomy abrogates Leviticus), so far as concerns the prohibition to take the wife of a deceased brother.

[995] Cavendish's Wolsey, p. 223.

In proportion as the first sitting had been pathetic, so the discussions in the second between the lawyers and bishops were calculated to revolt a delicate mind. The advocates of the two parties vigorously debated pro and con respecting the consummation of Arthur's marriage with Catherine. "It is a very difficult question," said one of the counsel; "none can know the truth."--"But I know it," replied the bishop of Rochester.--"What do you mean?" asked Wolsey.--"My lord," he answered, "he was the very Truth who said: '_What G.o.d hath joined together, let not man put asunder_' that is enough for me."--"So everybody thinks," rejoined Wolsey; "but whether it was G.o.d who united Henry of England and Catherine of Aragon, _hoc restat probandum_, that remains to be proved. The king's council decides that the marriage is unlawful, and consequently it was not _G.o.d who joined them together_." The two bishops then exchanged a few words less edifying than those of the preceding day. Several of the hearers expressed a sentiment of disgust. "It is a disgrace to the court,"

said Doctor Ridley with no little indignation, "that you dare discuss questions which fill every right-minded man with horror." This sharp reprimand put an end to the debate.

[Sidenote: MESSAGE OF THE MAID OF KENT.]

The agitations of the court spread to the convents; priests, monks, and nuns were every where in commotion. It was not long before astonishing revelations began to circulate through the cloisters.

There was no talk then of an old portrait of the Virgin that winked its eyes; but other miracles were invented. "An angel," it was rumoured, "has appeared to Elizabeth Barton, the maid of Kent, as he did formerly to Adam, to the patriarchs, and to Jesus Christ." At the epochs of the creation and of the redemption, and in the times which lead from one to the other, miracles are natural; G.o.d then appeared, and his coming without any signs of power, would be as surprising as the rising of the sun unattended by its rays of light. But the Romish Church does not stop there; it claims in every age, for its saints, the privilege of miraculous powers, and the miracles are multiplied in proportion to the ignorance of the people. And accordingly the angel said to the epileptic maid of Kent: "Go to the unfaithful king of England, and tell him there are three things he desires, which I forbid now and for ever. The first is the power of the pope; the second the new doctrine; the third Anne Boleyn. If he takes her for his wife, G.o.d will visit him." The vision-seeing maid delivered the message to the king,[996] whom nothing could now stop.

[996] She showed this unto the king. Letter to Cromwell in Strype, vol. i. p. 272.