History of the Negro Race in America Volume I Part 69

[648] Asiatic Researches, vol. iii. pp. 4, 5.

[649] Twenty fifth Annual Report, United Brethren, 1881.

Part II

_SLAVERY IN THE COLONIES._

CHAPTER XV.

CONDITION OF SLAVES IN Ma.s.sACHUSETTS.

The following memorandum in Judge Sewall's letter book was called forth by Samuel Smith, murderer of his Negro slave at Sandwich. It ill.u.s.trates the deplorable condition of servants at that time in Ma.s.sachusetts, and shows Judge Sewall to have been a man of great humanity.

"The poorest Boys and Girls in this Province, such as are of the lowest Condition; whether they be English, or Indians, or Ethiopians: They have the same Right to Religion and Life, that the Richest Heirs have.

"And they who go about to deprive them of this Right, they attempt the bombarding of HEAVEN, and the Sh.e.l.ls they throw, will fall down upon their own heads.

"Mr. Justice Davenport, Sir, upon your desire, I have sent you these _Quotations_, and my _own Sentiment_. I pray G.o.d, the Giver and Guardian of Life, to give his gracious Direction to you, and the other Justices, and take leave, who am your brother and most humble servant,

"SAMUEL SEWALL.

"BOSTON, July 20, 1719.

"I inclosed also the _selling of Joseph_, and my Extract out of the _Athenian Oracle_.

"To Addington Davenport, Esq., etc., going to Judge Sam'l Smith of Sandwitch, for killing his Negro."[650]

_Pet.i.tion of Slaves in Boston_.

On the 23d of June, 1773, the following pet.i.tion was presented to the General Court of Ma.s.sachusetts, which was read, and referred to the next session:--

PEt.i.tION OF SLAVES IN BOSTON.

PROVINCE OF Ma.s.sACHUSETTS BAY.

_To His Excellency, Thomas Hutchinson, Esq., Governor_--

"To the Honorable, His Majesty's Council, and to the Honorable House of Representatives, in general court a.s.sembled at Boston, the 6th day of January, 1773:--The humble pet.i.tion of many slaves living in the town of Boston, and other towns in the province, is this, namely:--

That Your Excellency and Honors, and the Honorable the Representatives, would be pleased to take their unhappy state and condition under your wise and just consideration.

We desire to bless G.o.d, who loves mankind, who sent his Son to die for their salvation, and who is no respecter of persons, that he hath lately put it into the hearts of mult.i.tudes, on both sides of the water, to bear our burthens, some of whom are men of great note and influence, who have pleaded our cause with arguments, which we hope will have their weight with this Honorable Court.

We presume not to dictate to Your Excellency and Honors, being willing to rest our cause on your humanity and justice, yet would beg leave to say a word or two on the subject.

Although some of the negroes are vicious, (who, doubtless, may be punished and restrained by the same laws which are in force against others of the King's subjects,) there are many others of a quite different character, and who, if made free, would soon be able, as well as willing, to bear a part in the public charges. Many of them, of good natural parts, are discreet, sober, honest and industrious; and may it not be said of many, that they are virtuous and religious, although their condition is in itself so unfriendly to religion, and every moral virtue, except _patience_? How many of that number have there been and now are, in this province, who had every day of their lives embittered with this most intolerable reflection, that, let their behavior be what it will, neither they nor their children, to all generations, shall ever be able to do or to possess and enjoy any thing--no, not even _life itself_--but in a manner as the _beasts_ that perish!

We have no property! we have no wives! we have no children!

we have no city! no country! But we have a Father in heaven, and we are determined, as far as his grace shall enable us, and as far as our degraded condition and contemptuous life will admit, to keep all his commandments; especially will we be obedient to our masters, so long as G.o.d, in his, sovereign providence, shall _suffer_ us to be holden in bondage.

It would be impudent, if not presumptuous, in us to suggest to Your Excellency and Honors, any law or laws proper to be made in relation to our unhappy state, which although our greatest unhappiness, is not our _fault_; and this gives us great encouragement to pray and hope for such relief as is consistent with your wisdom, justice and goodness.

We think ourselves very happy, that we may thus address the great and general court of this province, which great and good court is to us the best judge, under G.o.d, of what is wise, just and good.

We humbly beg leave to add but this one thing more we pray for such relief only, which by no possibility can ever be productive of the least wrong or injury to our masters, but to us will be as life from the dead.[651]

FOOTNOTES:

[650] Slavery in Ma.s.s., pp 96, 97.

[651] Neil, pp. 39-41.

CHAPTER XIII.

THE COLONY OF NEW YORK.

1693, August 21st--All Indians, Negroes, and others not "listed in the militia," are ordered to work on the fortification for repairing the same, to be under the command of the captains of the wards they inhabit. And 100 to be raised for the fortifications.

1722, February 20th.--A law pa.s.sed by the common council of New York, "restraining slaves, negroes, and Indians from gaming with moneys." If found gaming with any sort of money, "copper pennies, copper halfpence, or copper farthings," they shall be publickly whipped at the publick whipping-post of this city, at the discretion of the mayor, recorder, and aldermen, or any one of them, unless the owner pay to the church wardens for the poor, 3s.

1731, November 18th--If more than three negro, mulatto, or Indian slaves a.s.semble on Sunday and play or make noise, (or at any other time at any place from their master's service,) they are to be publickly whipped fifteen lashes at the publick whipping-post.

NEW YORK.

Negro slavery, a favorite measure with England, was rapidly extending its baneful influence in the colonies. The American Register, of 1769, gives the number of negroes brought in slavery from the coast of Africa, between Cape Blanco and the river Congo, by different nations in one year, thus: Great Britain, 53,100; British Americans, 6,300; France, 23,520; Holland, 11,300; Portugal, 1,700; Denmark, 1,200; in all, 104,100, bought by barter for European and Indian manufacturers,--15 sterling being the average price given for each negro. Thus we see that more than one half of the wretches who were kidnapped, or torn by force from their homes by the agents of European merchants (for such those who supply the market must be considered), were sacrificed to the cupidity of the merchants of Great Britain; the traffic encouraged by the government at the same time that the boast is sounded through the world, that the moment a slave touches the sacred soil, governed by those who encourage the slavemakers, and inhabited by those who revel in the profits derived from murder, he is free. Somerset, the negro, is liberated by the court of king's bench, in 1772, and the world is filled with the fame of English justice and humanity! James Grahame tells us that Somerset's case was not the first in which the judges of Great Britain counteracted in one or two cases the practical inhumanity of the government and the people: he says, that in 1762, his grandfather, Thomas Grahame, judge of the admiralty court of Glasgow, liberated a negro slave imported into Scotland.

It was in vain that the colonists of America protested against the practice of slave dealing. The governors appointed by England were instructed to encourage it, and when the a.s.semblies enacted laws to prohibit the inhuman traffic, they were annulled by the vetoes of the governors. With such encouragement, the reckless and avaricious among the colonists engaged in the trade, and the slaves were purchased when brought to the colonies by those who were blind to the evil, or preferred present ease or profit to all future good. Paley, the moralist, thought the American Revolution was designed by Providence, to put an end to the slave trade, and to show that a nation encouraging it was not fit to be intrusted with the government of extensive colonies. But the planter of the Southern States have discovered, since made free by that revolution, that slavery is no evil; and better moralists than Paley, that the increase of slaves, and their extension over new regions, is the duty of every good democrat. The men who lived in 1773, to whom America owes her liberty, did not think so.

Although resistance to the English policy of increasing the number of negro slaves in America agitated many minds in the colonies, opposition to the system of taxation was the princ.i.p.al source of action; and this opposition now centered in a determination to baffle the designs of Great Britain in respect to the duties on tea.

Seventeen millions of pounds of tea were now acc.u.mulated in the warehouses of the East-India Company. The government was determined, for reasons I have before given, to a.s.sist this mercantile company, as well as the African merchants, at the expense of the colonists of America. The East-India Company were now authorized to export their tea free of all duty. Thus the venders being enabled to offer it cheaper than hitherto to the colonists, it was expected that it would find a welcome market. But the Americans saw the ultimate intent of the whole scheme, and their disgust towards the mother country was proportionably increased.