History of the Great Reformation Part 61

"We are ready to protect the house of G.o.d," said they; "and it is for this reason we require that it be consecrated anew to the Lord. But we do not forget that it is our duty also to protect the people. It is in the bosom of a free people that the free Church of Christ should raise its head." At the same time the ministers of St. Gall published forty-two theses, in which they a.s.serted that convents were not "houses of G.o.d, but houses of the devil."[1099] The abbot, supported by Lucerne and Schwytz, which with Zurich and Glaris exercised sovereign power in St. Gall, replied that he would not dispute about rights which he held from kings and emperors. The two natives of the Tockenburg, Zwingle and Kilian, were thus struggling around St.

Gall,--the one claiming the people for the abbey, and the other the abbey for the people. The army of Zurich having approached Wyl, Kilian seized upon the treasures and muniments of the convent, and fled precipitately beyond the Rhine. Then when peace was concluded, the crafty monk clothed himself in a secular dress, and crept mysteriously as far as Einsideln, whence on a sudden he made all Switzerland re-echo with his cries. Zurich replied only by publishing in conjunction with Glaris a const.i.tution, by which a governor, "confirmed in the evangelical faith," should preside over the district, with a council of twelve members, while the election of pastors was left to the parishes.[1100] Not long afterwards, the abbot, expelled and a fugitive, while crossing a river near Bregentz, fell from his horse, got entangled in his frock, and was drowned. Of the two combatants from the Tockenburg, it was Zwingle who gained the victory.

[1099] Thesis 8. (Bull. ii. p. 115.)

[1100] Die Pfarer soll den Gmeinden irs gfallens zu erkiessen Zugestelt syn. (Bull. ii. p. 268.)

[Sidenote: SOLEURE.]

The convent was put up to sale, and was purchased by the town of St.

Gall, "with the exception," says Bullinger, "of a detached building, called _h.e.l.l_, where the monks were left who had not embraced the Reform."[1101] The time having arrived when the governor sent by Zurich was to give place to one from Lucerne, the people of St. Gall called upon the latter to swear to their const.i.tution. "A governor has never been known," replied he, "to make an oath to peasants; it is the peasants who should make an oath to the governor!" Upon this he retired: the Zurich governor remained, and the indignation of the Five Cantons against Zurich, which so daringly a.s.sisted the people of St.

Gall in recovering their liberties, rose to the highest paroxysm of anger.

[1101] Alein was ein gebuw die _h.e.l.l_ genampt, das liess man den Munchen blyten. (Ibid. p. 271.)

A few victories, however, consoled in some degree the partisans of Rome. Soleure was for a long time one of the most contested battle fields. The citizens and the learned were in favour of Reform: the patricians and canons for Popery. Philip Grotz of Zug was preaching the Gospel there, and the council having desired to compel him to say Ma.s.s, one hundred Reformed appeared in the hall of a.s.sembly on the 13th September 1529, and with energy called for liberty of conscience.

Zurich and Berne having supported this demand, it was granted to them.

[Sidenote: A NEW MIRACLE.]

Upon this the most fanatical of the Roman-catholics, exasperated at the concession, closed the gates of the city, pointed the guns, and made a show of expelling the friends of the Reform. The council prepared to punish these agitators, when the Reformed, willing to set an example of christian moderation, declared they would forgive them.[1102] The Great Council then published throughout the canton that the dominion of conscience belonging to G.o.d alone, and faith being the free gift of His grace, each one might follow the religion which he thought best. Thirty-four parishes declared for the Reformation, and only two for the Ma.s.s. Almost all the rural districts were in favour of the Gospel; but the majority of the city sided with the Pope.[1103] Haller, whom the Reformed of Soleure had sent for, arrived, and it was a day of triumph for them. It was in the middle of winter: "To-day," ironically observed one of the Evangelical Christians, "our patron saint (St. Ours) will sweat!" And in truth---oh! wonderful!--drops of moisture fell from the holy image. It was simply a little holy water that had frozen and then thawed. But the Romanists would listen to no raillery on so ill.u.s.trious a prodigy, reminding us of the blood of St. Januarius at Naples. All the city resounded with piteous cries,--the bells were tolled,--a general procession moved through the streets,--and high ma.s.s was sung in honour of the heavenly prince who had shown in so marvellous a manner the pangs he felt for his dearly beloved. "It is the fat minister of Berne (Haller) who is the cause of the saint's alarm," said the devout old women. One of them declared that she would thrust a knife into his body; and certain Roman-catholics threatened to go to the Cordeliers'

church and murder the pastors who preached there. Upon this the Reformed rushed to that church and called for a public discussion: two hundred of their adversaries posted themselves at the same time in the church of St. Ours and refused the discussion. Neither of the two parties was willing to be the first to abandon the camp in which it was entrenched. The senate wishing to clear the two churches thus transformed into citadels, announced that at Martinmas, _i. e._ nine months later, a public discussion should take place. But as the Reformed found the delay too long, both parties remained for a whole week more under arms. Commerce was interrupted,--the public offices were closed--messengers ran to and fro,--arrangements were proposed;--but the people were so stiffnecked,[1104] that no one would give way. The city was in a state of siege. At last all were agreed about the discussion, and the ministers committed four theses to writing, which the canons immediately attempted to refute.

[1102] Ruchat, ii. p. 139.

[1103] Major pars agri abolita superst.i.tione a parte nostra stat.

Major et potior pars urbis a papistis. (Zw. Epp. ii. p. 489.)

[1104] Tam durae cervicis populus est. (Zw. Epp. ii. p. 489.)

[Sidenote: POPERY TRIUMPHS.]

Nevertheless they judged it a still better plan to elude them. Nothing alarmed the Romanists so much as discussion. "What need have we of any?" said they. "Do not the writings of the two parties declare their sentiments?" The conference was, therefore, put off until the following year. Many of the Reformed, indignant at these delays, imprudently quitted the city; and the councils, charmed at this result, which they were far from expecting, hastily declared that the people should be free in the canton, but that in the city no one should attack the Ma.s.s. From that time the Reformed were compelled every Sunday to leave Soleure and repair to the village of Zuchsweil to hear the Word of G.o.d. Thus Popery, defeated in so many places, triumphed in Soleure.

Zurich and the other reformed cantons attentively watched these successes of their adversaries, and lent a fearful ear to the threats of the Roman-catholics, who ceased not from announcing the intervention of the Emperor; when on a sudden a report was heard that nine hundred Spaniards had entered the Grisons; that they were led by the Chatelain of Musso, recently invested with the t.i.tle of marquis by Charles the Fifth; that the chatelain's brother-in-law, Didier d'Embs, was also marching against the Swiss at the head of three thousand imperial lansquenets; and that the Emperor himself was ready to support them with all his forces. The Grisons uttered a cry of alarm.

The Waldstettes remained motionless; but all the reformed cantons a.s.sembled their troops, and eleven thousand men began their march.[1105] The Emperor and the Duke of Milan having soon after decreed that they would not support the chatelain, this adventurer beheld his castle rased to the ground, and was compelled to retire to the banks of the Sesia, giving guarantees of future tranquillity; while the Swiss soldiers returned to their homes, fired with indignation against the Five Cantons, who by their inactivity had infringed the federal alliance.[1106] "Our prompt and energetic resistance," said they, "has undoubtedly baffled their perfidious designs; but the reaction is only adjourned. Although the parchment of the Austrian alliance has been torn in pieces, the alliance itself still exists. The truth has freed us, but soon the imperial lansquenets will come and try to place us again under the yoke of slavery."

[1105] Bull. Chron. ii. p. 357.

[1106] Ward ein grosser Unwilt wieder sie. (Ibid. p. 461.)

[Sidenote: THE MINISTERS' ADDRESS.]

Thus in consequence of so many violent shocks, the two parties that divided Switzerland had attained the highest degree of irritation. The gulf that separated them widened daily. The clouds--the forerunners of the tempest--drove swiftly along the mountains, and gathered threateningly above the valleys. Under these circ.u.mstances Zwingle and his friends thought it their duty to raise their voices, and if possible to avert the storm. Thus Nicholas de Flue had in former days thrown himself between the hostile parties.

[Sidenote: AUTONOMY OF THE CHURCH.]

On the 5th September 1530, the princ.i.p.al ministers of Zurich, Berne, Basle, and Strasburg,--colampadius, Capito, Megander, Leo Juda, and Myconius,--were a.s.sembled at Zurich in Zwingle's house. Desirous of taking a solemn step with the Five Cantons, they drew up an address that was presented to the Confederates at the meeting of the Diet at Baden. However unfavourable the deputies were, as a body, to these heretical ministers, they nevertheless listened to this epistle, but not without signs of impatience and weariness.[1107] "You are aware, gracious lords, that concord increases the power of states, and that discord overthrows them.[1108] You are yourselves a proof of the first of these truths. Setting out from a small beginning, you have, by a good understanding one with another, arrived at a great end. May G.o.d condescend to prevent you also from giving a striking proof of the second! Whence comes disunion, if not from selfishness? and how can we destroy this fatal pa.s.sion, except by receiving from G.o.d the love of the common weal? For this reason we conjure you to allow the Word of G.o.d to be freely preached among you, as did your pious ancestors.

When has there ever existed a government, even among the heathens, which saw not that the hand of G.o.d alone upholds a nation? Do not two drops of quicksilver unite so soon as you remove that which separates them? Away then with that which separates you from our cities, that is, the absence of the Word of G.o.d; and immediately the Almighty G.o.d will unite us, as our fathers were united. Then placed in your mountains, as in the centre of Christendom, you will be an example to it, its protection and its refuge; and after having pa.s.sed through this vale of tears, being the terror of the wicked and the consolation of the faithful, you will at last be established in eternal happiness."

[1107] Lecta est epistola nostra in comitiis Badensibus. (col. to Bucer. 28th December 1530.)

[1108] Wie mit einhalligkeit kleine Ding gross werdend. (Zw. Opp. ii.

p. 78.)

Thus frankly did these men of G.o.d address their brothers, the Waldstettes. But their voice was not attended to. "The ministers'

sermon is rather long,"[1109] said some of the deputies yawning and stretching their arms, while others pretended to see in it fresh cause of complaint against the cities.

[1109] Libellum supplicem ad quinque pagos breviorum vellent. (Zw.

Epp. ii. p. 511.) Fastidiunt tam sancta. (col.)

This proceeding of the ministers was useless: the Waldstettes rejected the Word of G.o.d, which they had been entreated to admit; they rejected the hands that were extended towards them in the name of Jesus Christ.

They called for the Pope and not for the Gospel. All hope of reconciliation appeared lost.

Some persons, however, had at that time a glimpse of what might have saved Switzerland and the Reformation,--the _autonomy_ (self-government) of the Church, and its independence of political interests. Had they been wise enough to decline the secular power to secure the triumph of the Gospel, it is probable that harmony might have been gradually established in the Helvetic cantons, and that the Gospel would have conquered by its Divine strength. The power of the Word of G.o.d presented chances of success that were not afforded by pikes and muskets. The energy of faith, the influence of charity, would have proved a securer protection to Christians against the burning piles of Waldstettes than diplomatists and men-at-arms. None of the Reformers understood this so clearly as colampadius. His handsome countenance, the serenity of his features, the mild expression of his eyes, his long and venerable beard, the spirituality of his expression, a certain dignity that inspired confidence and respect, gave him rather the air of an apostle than of a reformer. It was the power of the inner word that he particularly extolled; perhaps he even went too far in spiritualism. But, however that may be, if any man could have saved Reform from the misfortunes that were about to befall it--that man was he. In separating from the Papacy, he desired not to set up the magistrate in its stead. "The magistrate who should take away from the churches the authority that belongs to them," wrote he to Zwingle, "would be more intolerable than Antichrist himself (_i.

e._ the Pope)."[1110]--"The hand of the magistrate strikes with the sword, but the hand of Christ heals. Christ has not said,--If thy brother will not hear thee, tell it to the magistrate, but--_tell it to the Church_. The functions of the State are distinct from those of the Church. The State is free to do many things which the purity of the Gospel condemns."[1111] colampadius saw how important it was that his convictions should prevail among the Reformed. This man, so mild and so spiritual, feared not to stand forth boldly in defence of doctrines then so novel. He expounded them before a synod a.s.sembly, and next developed them before the senate of Basle.[1112] It is a strange circ.u.mstance that these ideas, for a moment at least, were acceptable to Zwingle;[1113] but they displeased an a.s.sembly of the brethren to whom he communicated them; the politic Bucer above all feared that this independence of the Church would in some measure check the exercise of the civil power.[1114] The exertions of colampadius to const.i.tute the Church, were not, however, entirely unsuccessful. In February 1531, a diet of four reformed cantons (Basle, Zurich, Berne, and St. Galls) was held at Basle, in which it was agreed, that whenever any difficulty should arise with regard to doctrine or worship, an a.s.sembly of divines and laymen should be convoked, which should examine what the Word of G.o.d said on the matter.[1115] This resolution, by giving greater unity to the renovated Church, gave it also fresh strength.

[1110] Intolerabilior enim Antichristo ipso magistratus, qui Ecclesiis auctoritatem suam adimit. (Zw. Epp. ii. p. 510.)

[1111] Ipsorum functio alia est et ecclesiastica, multaque ferre et facere potest quae puritas evangelica non agnoscit. (Ibid.)

[1112] Orationis meae quam, fratrum nomine, coram senatu habui. (Ibid.)

[1113] Ut mihi magis ac magis arridet. (Ibid. p. 518.)

[1114] Ut non impediat alicubi magistratum Christianum. (Bucer to Zw.

p. 836.)

[1115] J. J. Hottinger, iii. p. 554.

[Sidenote: CHRISTIAN STATE.]

IV. But it was too late to tread in this path, which would have prevented so many disasters. The Reformation had already entered with all her sails set upon the stormy ocean of politics, and terrible misfortunes were gathering over her. The impulse communicated to the Reform came from another than colampadius. Zwingle's proud and piercing eyes,--his harsh features,--his bold step,--all proclaimed in him a resolute mind and the man of action. Nurtured in the exploits of the heroes of antiquity, he threw himself, to save Reform, in the footsteps of Demosthenes and Cato, rather than in those of St. John and St. Paul. His prompt and penetrating looks were turned to the right and to the left,--to the cabinets of kings and the councils of the people, whilst they should have been directed solely to G.o.d. We have already seen, that as early as 1527, Zwingle, observing how all the powers were rising against the Reformation, had conceived the plan of a _co-burghery_ or Christian State,[1116] which should unite all the friends of the Word of G.o.d in one holy and powerful league. This was so much the easier, as Zwingle's reformation had won over Strasburg, Augsburg, Ulm, Reutlingen, Lindau, Memmingen, and other towns of Upper Germany. Constance in December 1527, Berne in June 1528, St. Gall in November of the same year, Bienne in 1529, Mulhausen in February, Basle in March, Schaffhausen in September, and Strasburg in December, entered into this alliance. This political phase of Zwingle's character is in the eyes of some persons his highest claim to glory: we do not hesitate to acknowledge it as his greatest fault.

The Reformer, deserting the paths of the Apostles, allowed himself to be led astray by the perverse example of Popery. The primitive Church never opposed their persecutors but by the dispositions of the Gospel of peace. Faith was the only sword by which it vanquished the mighty ones of the earth. Zwingle felt clearly that by entering into the ways of worldly politicians, he was leaving those of a minister of Christ: he therefore sought to justify himself. "No doubt, it is not by human strength," said he, "it is by the strength of G.o.d alone that the Word of the Lord should be upheld. But G.o.d often makes use of men as instruments to succour men. Let us therefore unite, and from the sources of the Rhine to Strasburg let us form but one people and one alliance."[1117]

[1116] Civitas Christiana.

[1117] Da.s.s von oben hinab hie dises Rhyns, bis gen Strasbourg ein Volk und Bundniss wurde. (Zw. Opp. ii. p. 28.)

[Sidenote: ZWINGLE'S DOUBLE PART.]

Zwingle played two parts at once--he was a reformer and a magistrate.

But these are two characters that ought not more to be united than those of a minister and of a soldier. We will not blame the soldiers, we will not blame the magistrates; in forming leagues and drawing the sword, they act according to their point of view, although it is not the same as ours; but we will decidedly blame the christian minister, who becomes a diplomatist or a general.

In October 1529, as we have already observed, Zwingle repaired to Marburg, whither he had been invited by Philip of Hesse; and while neither of them had been able to come to an understanding with Luther, the Landgrave and the Swiss Reformer, animated by the same bold and enterprising spirit, soon agreed together.

[Sidenote: ZWINGLE AND LUTHER.]

The two reformers differed not less in their political than in their religious system. Luther, brought up in the cloister and in monastic submission, was imbued in youth with the writings of the fathers of the Church; Zwingle, on the other hand, reared in the midst of Swiss liberty, had, during those early years which decide the course of all the others, imbibed the history of the ancient republics. Thus, while Luther was in favour of a pa.s.sive obedience, Zwingle demanded that the tyrants should be opposed.