History of the Great Reformation Part 31

[Sidenote: THE CONFESSION--DUTY OF THE BISHOPS.]

"Many," said he, "have unskilfully confounded the episcopal and the temporal power; and from this confusion have resulted great wars, revolts, and seditions.[575] It is for this reason, and to rea.s.sure men's consciences, that we find ourselves constrained to establish the difference which exists between the power of the Church and the power of the sword.[576]

[575] Nonnulli incommode commiscuerunt potestatem ecclesiasticam et potestatem gladii; et ex hac confusione, &c.--(Urkunden. Confes. Augs.

i. p. 539.)

[576] Coacti sunt ostendere discrimen ecclesiasticae potestatis et potestatis gladii.--(Ibid.)

"We therefore teach that the power of the keys or of the bishops is, conformably with the Word of the Lord, a commandment emanating from G.o.d, to preach the Gospel, to remit or retain sins, and to administer the Sacraments. This power has reference only to eternal goods, is exercised only by the minister of the Word, and does not trouble itself with political administration. The political administration, on the other hand, is busied with everything else but the Gospel. The magistrate protects, not souls, but bodies and temporal possessions.

He defends them against all attacks from without, and, by making use of the sword and of punishment, compels men to observe civil justice and peace.[577]

[577] Politica administratio versatur enim circa alias res quam Evangelium; magistratus defendit non mentes sed corpora----et coercet homines gladio.--(Urkund. Confess. Aug. i. p. 541.)

"For this reason we must take particular care not to mingle the power of the Church with the power of the State.[578] The power of the Church ought never to invade an office that is foreign to it; for Christ himself said: _My kingdom is not of this world_. And again: _Who made me a judge over you?_ St. Paul said to the Philippians: _Our citizenship is in heaven_.[579] And to the Corinthians: _The weapons of our warfare are not carnal, but mighty through G.o.d_.

[578] Non igitur commiscendae sunt potestates ecclesiasticae et civilis.--(Ibid.)

[579] Greek, p???te?a.--(Philip. iii. 20. Scott and Henry Comment.)

"It is thus that we distinguish the two governments and the two powers, and that we honour both as the most excellent gifts that G.o.d has given here on earth.

[Sidenote: THE CONFESSION--EPILOGUE.]

"The duty of the bishops is therefore to preach the Gospel, to forgive sins, to exclude from the Christian Church all who rebel against the Lord, but without human power, and solely by the Word of G.o.d.[580] If the bishops act thus, the churches ought to be obedient to them according to this declaration of Christ: _Whoever heareth you, heareth me_.

[580] Excludere a communione Ecclesiae, sine vi humana sed verbo.--(Urkund. Confes. Augs. i. p. 544.)

"But if the bishops teach anything that is contrary to the Gospel, then the churches have an order from G.o.d which forbids them to obey (Matt. vii. 15; Galatians i. 8; 2 Cor. xiii. 8, 10). And St. Augustin himself, in his letter against Pertilian, writes: 'We must not obey the catholic bishops, if they go astray, and teach anything contrary to the canonical Scriptures of G.o.d.'"[581]

[581] Nec catholicis episcopis consentiendum est, sicuti forte falluntur, aut contra canonicas Dei scripturas aliquid sentiunt--(Urkund. Confes. Augs. i. p. 544.)

After some remarks on the ordinances and traditions of the Church, Bayer came to the epilogue of the Confession.

"It is not from hatred that we have spoken," added he, "nor to insult any one; but we have explained the doctrines that we maintain to be essential, in order that it may be understood that we admit of neither dogma nor ceremony which is contrary to the Holy Scriptures, and to the usage of the universal Church."

Bayer then ceased to read. He had spoken for two hours: the silence and serious attention of the a.s.sembly were not once disturbed.[582]

[582] Mit grosser Stille und Ernst.--(Bruch's Apologie, p. 59.)

This Confession of Augsburg will ever remain one of the masterpieces of the human mind enlightened by the Spirit of G.o.d.

[Sidenote: REMARKS ON THE CONFESSION.]

The language that had been adopted, while it was perfectly natural, was the result of a profound study of character. These princes, these warriors, these politicians who were sitting in the Palatine Palace, entirely ignorant as they were of divinity, easily understood the Protestant doctrine; for it was not explained to them in the style of the schools, but in that of everyday life, and with a simplicity and clearness that rendered all misunderstanding impossible.

At the same time the power of argumentation was so much the more remarkable, as it was the more concealed. At one time Melancthon (for it was really he who spoke through the mouth of Bayer) was content to quote a single pa.s.sage of Scripture or of the Fathers in favour of the doctrine he maintained; and at another he proved his thesis so much the more strongly, that he appeared only to be declaring it. With a single stroke he pointed out the sad consequences that would follow the rejection of the faith he professed, or with one word showed its importance for the prosperity of the Church; so that while listening to him, the most violent enemies were obliged to acknowledge to themselves that there was really something to say in favour of the new sect.

To this force of reasoning the Apology added a prudence no less remarkable. Melancthon, while declining with firmness the errors attributed to his party, did not even appear to feel the injustice of these erroneous imputations; and while pointing out those of Popery, he did not say expressly they were those of his adversaries; thus carefully avoiding every thing that might irritate their minds. In this he showed himself wise as a serpent and harmless as a dove.

But the most admirable thing of all is the fidelity with which the Confession explains the doctrines most essential to salvation. Rome is accustomed to represent the Reformers as the creators of the Protestant doctrines; but it is not in the sixteenth century that we must look for the days of that creation. A bright track of light, of which Wickliffe and Augustin mark the most salient points, carries us back to the Apostolic age: it was then that shone in all their brilliancy the creative days of Evangelical truth. Yet it is true (and if this is what Rome means, we fully concur in the idea) never since the time of St. Paul had the Christian doctrine appeared with so much beauty, depth, and life, as in the days of the Reformation.

[Sidenote: REMARKS.]

Among all these doctrines, that of the Church, which had been so long disfigured, appeared at this time in all its native purity. With what wisdom, in particular, the confessors of Augsburg protest against that confusion of religion and politics which since the deplorable epoch of Constantine, had changed the kingdom of G.o.d into an earthly and carnal inst.i.tution! Undoubtedly what the Confession stigmatizes with the greatest energy is the intrusion of the Church into the affairs of the State, but can it be thought that it was to approve the intrusion of the State in Church affairs? The evil of the Middle Ages was the having enslaved the State to the Church, and the confessors of Augsburg rose like one man to combat it. The evil of the three centuries which have pa.s.sed away since then, is to have subjected the Church to the State; and we may believe that Luther and Melancthon would have found against this disorder thunders no less powerful. What they attack in a general sense, is the confusion of the two societies; what they demand, is their independence, I do not say their separation. If the Augsburg confessors were unwilling that things from above should monopolize those of the earth, they would have been still less willing for things of earth to oppress those from heaven.

There is a particular application of this principle, which the Confession points out. It wills the bishops should reprimand those who obey wickedness, "but without human power, and solely by the Word of G.o.d." It therefore rejects the use of the sword in the chastis.e.m.e.nt of heretics. This we see is a primitive principle, fundamental and essential to the Reformation, as the contrary doctrine is a primitive principle, fundamental and essential to the Papacy. If among Protestants we find some writing, or even some example opposed to this, it is but an isolated fact, which cannot invalidate the official principles of the Reform--it is one of those exceptions which always serve to confirm the rule.

[Sidenote: MODERATE TONE OF THE CONFESSION.]

Finally, the Augsburg Confession does not usurp the rights of the Word of G.o.d; it desires to be its handmaid and not its rival; it does not found, it does not regulate the faith, but simply professes it. "Our churches teach," it says; and it will be remembered that Luther considered it only as a sermon preached by princes and kings. Had it desired more, as has since been maintained, by that very circ.u.mstance it would have been nullified.

Was, however, the Confession able to follow in all things the exact path of truth? We may be permitted to doubt it.

It professes not to separate from the teaching of the Catholic Church, and even from that of the Romish Church--by which is no doubt signified the ancient Roman Church--and rejects the popish particularism which, for about eight centuries, imprisoned men's consciences. The Confession, however, seems overlaid with superst.i.tious fears when there is any question of deviating from the views entertained by some of the Fathers of the Church, of breaking the toils of the hierarchy, and of acting, as regards Rome, without blameable forbearance. This, at least, is what its author, Melancthon, professes. "We do not put forward any dogma," said he, "which is not founded on the Gospel or on the teaching of the Catholic Church; we are prepared to concede everything that is necessary for the episcopal dignity;[583] and, provided that the bishops do not condemn the Gospel, we preserve all the rites that appear indifferent to us. In a word, there is no burden that we reject, if we can bear it without guilt."[584]

[583] Concessuros omnia quae ad dignitatem Episcoporum stabiliendam pertinent.--(Corp. Ref. ii. p. 431.)

[584] Nullum detractavimus onus, quod sine scelere suspici posset.--(Ibid.)

Many will think, no doubt, that a little more independence would have been proper in this matter, and that it would have been better to have pa.s.sed over the ages that have followed the times of the apostles, and have frankly put in practice the grand principle which the Reformation had proclaimed: "There is for articles of faith no other foundation than the Word of G.o.d."[585]

[585] _Solum verb.u.m Dei condit articulos fidei._

[Sidenote: DEFECTS OF THE CONFESSION.]

Melancthon's moderation has been admired; and, in truth, while pointing out the abuses of Rome, he was silent on what is most revolting in them, on their disgraceful origin, their scandalous consequences, and is content to show that they are in contradiction to the Scripture. But he does more; he is silent on the divine right of the Pope, on the number of the sacraments, and on other points besides. His great business is to justify the renovated, and not to attack the deformed, Church. "Peace! peace!" was his cry. But if, instead of all this circ.u.mspection, the Reformation had advanced with courage, had wholly unveiled the Word of G.o.d, and had made an energetic appeal to the sympathies of reform then spread in men's hearts, would it not have taken a stronger and more honourable position, and would it not have secured more extensive conquests?

The interest that Charles the Fifth showed in listening to the Confession seems doubtful. According to some, he endeavoured to understand that foreign language;[586] according to others, he fell asleep.[587] It is easy to reconcile these contradictory testimonies.

[586] Satis attentus erat Caesar. (Jonas in Corp. Ref. ii. p. 184.)

[587] c.u.m nostra confessio legeretur, obdormivit. (Brentius in Corp.

Ref. ii. p. 245.)

When the reading was finished, Chancellor Bruck, with the two copies in his hand, advanced towards the Emperor's secretary and presented them to him. Charles the Fifth, who was wide awake at this moment, himself took the two Confessions, handed the German copy, considered as official, to the elector of Mentz, and kept the Latin one for himself.[588] He then made reply to the Elector of Saxony and to his allies that he had graciously heard their confession;[589] but as this affair was one of extreme importance, he required time to deliberate upon it.

[588] The Latin copy, deposited in the archives of the imperial house, should be found at Brussels; and the German copy, sent afterwards to the Council of Trent, ought to be in the Vatican.

[589] Gnedichlich vernohmen. (F. Urkunden, ii. p. 3.)

[Sidenote: THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION.]

The joy with which the Protestants were filled shone in their eyes.[590] G.o.d had been with them; and they saw that the striking act which had so recently been accomplished, imposed on them the obligation of confessing the truth with immovable perseverance. "I thrill with joy," wrote Luther, "that my life was cast in an epoch in which Christ is publicly exalted by such ill.u.s.trious confessors and in so glorious an a.s.sembly."[591] The whole Evangelical Church, excited and renovated by this public confession of its representatives, was then more intimately united to its divine Chief, and baptized with a new baptism. "Since the apostolic age," said they (these are the words of a contemporary), "there has never been a greater work or a more magnificent confession."[592]

[590] c.u.m incredibili protestantium gaudio. (Seck. ii. p. 170.)

[591] Mihi vehementer placet vixisse in hanc horam. (L. Epp. iv. p.

71.)