History of the Great Reformation Part 11

Let us see to whom the chief glory of this act belongs. The part taken by the princes, and especially by the Elector of Saxony, in the German Reformation, must strike every impartial observer. These are the true Reformers--the true Martyrs. The Holy Ghost, that bloweth where it listeth, had inspired them with the courage of the ancient confessors of the Church; and the G.o.d of Election was glorified in them. A little later perhaps this great part played by the princes might have produced deplorable consequences: there is no grace of G.o.d that man may not pervert. But nothing should prevent us from rendering honour to whom honour is due, and from adoring the work of the eternal Spirit in these eminent men who, under G.o.d, were in the sixteenth century the saviours of Christendom.

The Reformation had taken a bodily form. It was Luther alone who had said No at the Diet of Worms: but Churches and ministers, princes and people, said No at the Diet of Spire.

In no country had superst.i.tion, scholasticism, hierarchy, and popery, been so powerful as among the Germanic nations. These simple and candid people had humbly bent their neck to the yoke that came from the banks of the Tiber. But, there was in them a depth, a life, a need of interior liberty, which, sanctified by the Word of G.o.d, might render them the most energetic organs of christian truth. It was from them that was destined to emanate the reaction against that material, external, and legal system, which had taken the place of Christianity; it was they who were called to shatter in pieces the skeleton which had been subst.i.tuted for the spirit and the life, and restore to the heart of Christendom, ossified by the hierarchy, the generous beatings of which it had been deprived for so many ages. The Universal Church will never forget the debt it owes to the Princes of Spire and to Luther.

[Sidenote: GERMANY AND REFORM.]

VII. The protest of Spire had still further increased the indignation of the Papal adherents; and Charles the Fifth, according to the oath he had made at Barcelona, set about preparing "a suitable antidote for the pestilential disease with which the Germans were attacked, and to avenge in a striking manner the insult offered to Jesus Christ."[185]

The Pope, on his part, endeavoured to combine all the other princes of Christendom in this crusade; and the peace of Cambray, concluded on the 5th August, tended to the accomplishment of his cruel designs. It left the Emperor's hands free against the heretics. After having entered their protest at Spire, it was necessary for the Evangelicals to think of maintaining it.

[185] Illatamque Christo injuriam pro viribus ulciscentur.--(Dumont, Corp. Univ. Diplomatique, iv. p. 1, 5.)

The Protestant states that had already laid the foundations of an evangelical alliance at Spire, had agreed to send deputies to Rothach; but the Elector, staggered by the representations of Luther, who was continually saying to him, "It is by keeping yourselves tranquil and in quietness that you will be saved,"[186] ordered his deputies to listen to the propositions of his allies, but to decide upon nothing.

They adjourned to a new conference, which never took place. Luther triumphed; for human alliances failed. "Christ the Lord will know how to deliver us without the Landgrave, and even against the Landgrave,"

said he to his friends.[187]

[186] Isaiah x.x.x. 15. L. Epp. iii. p. 454.

[187] Unser Her. Christus, &c.--(Ibid.) This confidence of Luther shocks a Lutheran historian--Plank, ii. p. 454.

[Sidenote: DIFFICULTY OF UNION.]

Philip of Hesse, who was vexed at Luther's obstinacy, was convinced that it arose from a dispute about words. "They will hear no mention of alliances because of the Zwinglians," said he; "well then, let us put an end to the contradictions that separate them from Luther."

The union of all the disciples of the Word of G.o.d seemed in fact a necessary condition to the success of the Reform. How could the Protestants resist the power of Rome and of the Empire, if they were divided? The Landgrave no doubt wished to unite their minds, that he might afterwards be able to unite their arms; but the cause of Christ was not to triumph by the sword. If they should succeed in uniting their hearts and prayers, the Reform would then find such strength in the faith of its children, that Philip's spearmen would no longer be necessary.

Unfortunately this union of minds, that was now to be sought after above all things, was a very difficult task. Luther in 1519 had at first appeared not only to reform, but entirely renovate the doctrine of the Lord's Supper, as the Swiss did somewhat later. "I go to the sacrament of the Lord's Supper," he had said, "and I there receive a sign from G.o.d that Christ's righteousness and pa.s.sion justify me; such is the use of the Sacrament."[188] This discourse, which had gone through several impressions in the cities of Upper Germany, had prepared men's minds for the doctrine of Zwingle. Accordingly Luther, astonished at the reputation he had gained, published this solemn declaration in 1527: "I protest before G.o.d and before the whole world that I have never walked with the Sacramentarians."

[188] In the writing ent.i.tled, _Da.s.s diese Worte noch feste Stehen_.--(L. Opp. xix.)

[Sidenote: A LUTHERAN WARNING.]

Luther in fact was never Zwinglian as regards the Communion. Far from that, in 1519, he still believed in Transubstantiation. Why then should he speak of a sign? It was for this reason. While, according to Zwingle, the bread and wine are signs of the body and blood of Christ, according to Luther, the very body and blood of Jesus Christ are signs of G.o.d's grace. These opinions are widely different from one another.

Erelong this disagreement declared itself. In 1527 Zwingle in his _Friendly Exposition_[189] repeated Luther's opinion with mildness and respect. Unfortunately the pamphlet of the Saxon Reformer "against the enthusiasts" was then issuing from the press, and in it Luther expressed his indignation that his adversaries should dare to speak of christian unity and peace. "Well!" exclaimed he, "since they thus insult all reason, I will give them a Lutheran warning.[190] Cursed be this concord! cursed be this charity! down, down with it, to the bottomless pit of h.e.l.l! If I should murder your father, your mother, your wife, your child, and then, wishing to murder you, I should say to you, Let us be at peace, my dear friend! what answer would you make?--It is thus that the enthusiasts who murder Jesus Christ my Lord, G.o.d the Father, and Christendom my mother, wish to murder me also; and then they say, Let us be friends!"

[189] _Amica exegesis_, id est, Expositio Eucharistae negotii ad M.

Lutherum.--(Zw. Opp.)

[190] Eine Lutherische Warnung.--(L. Opp. xix. p. 391. Wider die Schwarmgeister.)

Zwingle wrote two replies "to the excellent Martin Luther," in a cold tone and with a haughty calmness more difficult to pardon than the invectives of the Saxon doctor. "We ought to esteem you a vessel of honour, and we do so with joy," said he, "notwithstanding your faults." Pamphlet followed pamphlet, Luther always writing with the same impetuosity, and Zwingle with the same coolness and irony.

[Sidenote: PROPOSED CONFERENCE AT MARBURG.]

Such were the doctors whom the Landgrave undertook to reconcile.

Already, during the sitting of the Diet of Spire, Philip of Hesse, who was afflicted at hearing the Papists continually repeating, "You boast of your attachment to the pure Word of G.o.d, and yet you are nevertheless disunited,"[191] had made overtures to Zwingle in writing. He now went farther, and invited the theologians of the different parties to meet at Marburg. These invitations met with various receptions. Zwingle, whose heart was large and fraternal, answered the Landgrave's call; but Luther, who discovered leagues and battles behind this pretended concord, rejected it.

[191] Inter nos ipsos de religionis doctrina non consentire.--(Zw.

Epp. ii. p. 287.)

It seemed, however, that great difficulties would detain Zwingle. To travel from Zurich to Marburg, it was necessary to pa.s.s through the territories of the Emperor and of other enemies to the Reformation; the Landgrave himself did not conceal the dangers of the journey;[192]

but in order to obviate these difficulties, he promised an escort from Strasburg to Hesse, and for the rest "the protection of G.o.d."[193]

These precautions were not of a nature to rea.s.sure the Zurichers.

[192] Viam Francofurdi capias, quam autem hac periculosiorem esse putamus.--(Ibid. p. 312.)

[193] Juvante Deo tuti.--(Zw. Epp. ii. p. 329.)

Reasons of another kind detained Luther and Melancthon. "It is not right," said they, "that the Landgrave has so much to do with the Zwinglians. Their error is of such a nature that people of acute minds are easily tainted by it. Reason loves what it understands, particularly when learned men clothe their ideas in a scriptural dress."

Melancthon did not stop here, but put forth the very extraordinary notion of selecting Papists as judges of the discussion. "If there were no impartial judges," said he, "the Zwinglians would have a good chance of boasting of victory."[194] Thus, according to Melancthon, Papists would be impartial judges when the real presence was the subject of discussion! He went still farther. "Let the Elector," he wrote on the 14th May to the Prince Electoral, "refuse to permit our journey to Marburg, so that we may allege this excuse." The Elector would not lend himself to so disgraceful a proceeding; and the Reformers of Wittemberg found themselves compelled to accede to the request of Philip of Hesse. But they did so with these words: "If the Swiss do not yield to us, all your trouble will be lost;" and they wrote to the theologians among their friends who were convoked by the Prince: "Stay away if you can; your absence will be very useful to us."[195]

[194] Papistische als unparteische.--(Corp. Ref. i. p. 1066.)

[195] Si potes, noli adesse.--(L. Epp. iii. p. 501.)

[Sidenote: ZWINGLE'S DEPARTURE.]

Zwingle, on the contrary, who would have gone to the end of the world, made every exertion to obtain from the magistrates of Zurich permission to visit Marburg. "I am convinced," said he to the secret council, "that if we doctors meet face to face, the splendour of truth will illuminate our eyes."[196] But the council that had only just signed the first religious peace,[197] and who feared to see war burst out afresh, positively refused to allow the departure of the Reformer.

[196] Ut veritatis splendor oculos nostros feriat.--(Zw. Epp. ii. p.

321.)

[197] See below, Book xvi. chap. ii. anno 1529.

Upon this Zwingle decided for himself. He felt that his presence was necessary for the maintenance of peace in Zurich; but it was the welfare of all Christendom that summoned him to Marburg. Accordingly, raising his eyes towards heaven, he resolved to depart, exclaiming, "O G.o.d! Thou hast never abandoned us; Thou wilt perform thy will for thine own glory."[198] During the night of the 31st August, Zwingle, who was unwilling to wait for the Landgrave's safe-conduct, prepared for his journey. Rodolph Collin, the Greek professor, was alone to accompany him. The Reformer wrote to the Smaller and to the Great Council: "If I leave without informing you, it is not because I despise your authority, most wise lords; but because, knowing the love you bear towards me, I foresee that your anxiety will oppose my going."

[198] Dei nunquam fallentis, qui nos nunquam deseruit, gratiam reputavi.--(Zw. Epp. ii. p. 356.)

[Sidenote: RUMOURS IN ZURICH.]

As he was writing these words, a fourth message arrived from the Landgrave, more pressing still than the preceding ones. The Reformer sent the prince's letter to the burgomaster with his own; he then quitted his house privily by night,[199] concealing his departure both from his friends, whose importunity he feared, and from his enemies, whose snares he had good cause to dread. He did not even tell his wife where he was going, lest it should distress her. He and Collin then mounted two horses that had been hired for the purpose,[200] and rode off rapidly in the direction of Basle.

[199] Sabbati die, mane ante lucem, 1 Septembris.--(Ibid.)

[200] Equis conductoriis.--(Zw. Epp. ii. p. 361.)

During the day the rumour of Zwingle's absence spread through Zurich, and his enemies were elated. "He has fled the country," said they; "he has run away with a pack of scoundrels!" "As he was crossing the river at Bruck," said others, "the boat upset and he was drowned." "The devil," affirmed many with a malicious smile, "appeared to him bodily and carried him off."[201]--"There was no end to their stories," says Bullinger. But the council immediately resolved on acceding to the wish of the Reformer. On the very day of his departure they appointed one of the councillors, Ulric Funck, to accompany him to Marburg, who forthwith set out with a domestic and one arquebusier. Strasburg and Basle in like manner sent statesmen in company with their theologians, under the idea that this conference would doubtless have also a political object.

[201] Der Tufel vere by imm gesin.--(Bulling. ii. p. 224.)

Zwingle arrived safe and sound at Basle,[202] and embarked on the river on the 6th September with colampadius and several merchants.[203] In thirteen hours they reached Strasburg, where the two Reformers lodged in the house of Matthew Zell, the cathedral preacher. Catherine, the pastor's wife, prepared the dishes in the kitchen, waited at table, according to the ancient German manners,[204] and then sitting down near Zwingle, listened attentively, and spoke with so much piety and knowledge, that the latter soon ranked her above many doctors.

[202] Integer et sa.n.u.s Basiliam pervenit.--(Zw. Epp. ii. p. 361.)

[203] Aliquos mercatorum fide dignos, comites.--(Ibid.)