Hinduism and Buddhism, An Historical Sketch Volume III Part 7

23-27. He also says that the earliest Talaing alphabet is identical with the Vengi alphabet of the fourth century A.D. _Burma Archaeol.

Report_, 1917, p. 29.]

[Footnote 136: See R.C. Temple, "Notes on Antiquities of Rmaadesa,"

_Ind. Antiq._ 1893, pp. 327 ff. Though I admit the possibility that Mahynism and Tantrism may have flourished in lower Burma, it does not seem to me that the few Hindu figures reproduced in this article prove very much.]

[Footnote 137: _J.A._ 1912, II. pp. 121-136.]

[Footnote 138: It is remarkable that Buddhaghosa commenting on Ang.

Nik. 1. 14. 6 (quoted by Forchhammer) describes the merchants of Ukkala as inhabiting Asitajana in the region of Ham?savat or Pegu.

This identification of Ukkala with Burmese territory is a mistake but accepted in Burma and it is more likely that a Burmese would have made it than a Hindu.]

[Footnote 139: Chap. x.x.xIX.]

[Footnote 140: See however _Epig. Indica_, vol. V. part iv. Oct. 1898, pp. 101-102. For the prevalence of forms which must be derived from Sanskrit not Pali see _Burma Arch. Rep._ 1916, p. 14, and 1917, p.

39.]

[Footnote 141: Report of _Supt. Arch. Survey Burma_, 1909, p. 10, 1910, p. 13, and 1916, pp. 33, 38. Finot, _Notes d'Epigraphie_, p.

357.]

[Footnote 142: See especially Finot in _J.A._ 1912, II. p. 123, and Huber in _B.E.F.E.O._ 1909 P. 584.]

[Footnote 143: The Aris are further credited with having practised a sort of _jus prim noctis_. See on this question the chapter on Camboja and alleged similar customs there.]

[Footnote 144: See _Burma Arch. Rep._ 1916, pp. 12, 13. They seem to have been similar to the Nlapatanadarsana of Ceylon. The Prabodhacandrodaya (about 1100 A.D.) represents Buddhist monks as drunken and licentious.]

[Footnote 145: See Parker, _Burma_, 1892. The annalist says "There is a huge white elephant (or image) 100 feet high. Litigants burn incense and kneel before it, reflecting within themselves whether they are right or wrong.... When there is any disaster or plague the king also kneels in front of it and blames himself." The Chinese character means either image or elephant, but surely the former must be the meaning here.]

[Footnote 146: See Taw-Sein-Ko, in _Ind. Antiquary_, 1906, p. 211. But I must confess that I have not been able to follow or confirm all the etymologies suggested by him.]

[Footnote 147: See for Chinese remains at Pagan, _Report of the Superintendent, Arch. Survey, Burma, for year ending 31st March, 1910_, pp. 20, 21. An inscription at Pagan records that in 1285 Khubilai's troops were accompanied by monks sent to evangelize Burma.

Both troops and monks halted at Tagaung and both were subsequently withdrawn. See _Arch. Survey_, 1917, p. 38.]

[Footnote 148: The date of Anawrata's conquest of Thaton seems to be now fixed by inscriptions as 1057 A.D., though formerly supposed to be earlier. See _Burma Arch. Rep._ 1916. For Anawrata's religious reforms see _Ssanavam?sa_, pp. 17 ff. and 57 ff.]

[Footnote 149: It has been noted that many of the inscriptions explanatory of the scenes depicted on the walls of the Ananda temple at Pagan are in Talaing, showing that it was some time before the Burmans were able to a.s.similate the culture of the conquered country.]

[Footnote 150: See the _Ssanavam?sa_, p. 64 and p. 20. See also Bode, _Pali Literature of Burma_, p. 15. But the Mahvam?sa, LX.

4-7, while recording the communications between Vijaya Bahu and Aniruddha ( = Anawrata) represents Ceylon as asking for monks from Rmaa, which implies that lower Burma was even then regarded as a Buddhist country with a fine tradition.]

[Footnote 151: The Burmese canon adds four works to the Khuddaka-Nikya, namely: (a) Milinda Paha, (b) Netti-Pakaran?a, (c) Suttasan?gaha, (d) Pet?akopadesa.]

[Footnote 152: Inscriptions give his reign as 1084-1112 A.D. See _Burma Arch. Rep._ 1916, p. 24. Among many other remarkable edifices may be mentioned the Thapinyu or Thabbannu (1100), the Gaudapalin (1160) and the Bodhi (_c._ 1200) which is a copy of the temple at Bodhgaya.]

[Footnote 153: The best known of his works are the Sutta-niddesa on grammar and the Sankhepavan?n?an. The latter is a commentary on the Abhidhammattha-sangaha, but it is not certain if Chapat?a composed it or merely translated it from the Sinhalese.]

[Footnote 154: Some authorities speak as if the four disciples of Chapat?a had founded four sects, but the reprobate Rhula can hardly have done this. The above account is taken from the Kalyani inscription, _Ind. Ant_. 1893, pp. 30, 31. It says very distinctly "There were in Pugama (Pagan) 4 sects. 1. The successors of the priests who introduced the religion from Sudhammangara (_i.e._ the Mramma Sangha). 2. The disciples of Svalimahthera. 3. The disciples of Tmalindamahthera. 4. The disciples of Ananda Mahthera."]

[Footnote 155: Also known by the t.i.tle of Dhammavitasa. He was active in 1246.]

[Footnote 156: Found in Zaingganaing, a suburb of Pegu. The text, translation and notes are contained in various articles by Taw-Sein-Ko in the _Indian Antiquary_ for 1893-4.]

[Footnote 157: Mahvagga, II. 11, 12, 13.]

[Footnote 158: According to Taw-Sein-Ko (_Ind. Ant._ 1893, p. 11) "about 105 or 126 feet in perimeter."]

[Footnote 159: No contact with Cambojan religion is implied. The sect was so called because its chief monastery was near the Camboja market and this derived its name from the fact that many Cambojan (probably meaning Shan) prisoners were confined near it.]

[Footnote 160: In favour of it, it may be said that the Dpavam?sa and the earlier traditions on which the Dpavam?sa is based are ancient and impartial witnesses: against it, that Asoka's attention seems to have been directed westwards, not towards Bengal and Burma, and that no very early proof of the existence of Buddhism in Burma has been found.]

[Footnote 161: Apparently about 1525-1530.]

[Footnote 162: See _Ssanavam?sa_, pp. 118 ff.]

[Footnote 163: _E.g._ Mahvagga, I. 29, 2; IV. 3, 3. Ekam?sam uttarsangam karitv. But both arrangements of drapery are found in the oldest images of the Buddha and perhaps the Ekam?sika fashion is the commoner. See Grnwedel, _Buddhist Art in India_, 1901, p. 172.

Though these images are considerably later than the Mahvagga and prove nothing as to the _original_ practice of the San?gha, yet they show that the Ekam?sika fashion prevailed at a relatively early period. It now prevails in Siam and partly in Ceylon. I-Ching (chap.

XI.) has a discussion on the way robes were worn in India (_c._ 680 A.D.) which is very obscure but seems to say that monks may keep their shoulders covered while in a monastery but should uncover one when they go out.]

[Footnote 164: _Ssanav._ p. 123. Sakala-Maramma-rat?t?havsino ca: ayam? amhakm? rj bodhisatto ti vohrimsu. In the Po-U-Daung inscription, Alompra's son, Hsin-byu-shin, says twice "In virtue of this my good deed, may I become a Buddha, ... an omniscient one."

_Indian Antiquary_, 1893, pp. 2 and 5. There is something Mahynist in this aspiration. Cf. too the inscriptions of the Siamese King Sr-Sryavam?sa Rma mentioned below.]

[Footnote 165: They were Puritans who objected to shrines and images and are said to be represented to-day by the Sawti sect.]

[Footnote 166: See _The Burmese Empire_ by the Italian Father Sangermano, who went to Burma in 1783 and lived there about 20 years.]

[Footnote 167: Thathana is the Pali Ssana. In Burmese p.r.o.nunciation the s of Indian words regularly appears as th ( = ?), r as y and j as z. Thus Thagya for Sakra, Yazawin for Rjavam?sa.]

[Footnote 168: See E. Forchhammer, _Jardine Prize Essay_ (on the sources and development of Burmese Law), 1885. J. Jolly, "Recht und Sitte" in _Grundriss der Ind. Ar. Phil._ 1896, pp. 41-44. M.H. Bode, _Pali Lit. of Burma_, pp. 83 ff. Dhammathat is the Burmese p.r.o.nunciation of Dhammasattha, Sanskrit Dharma.s.stra.]

[Footnote 169: This theory did not prevent the kings of Burma and their subordinates from inflicting atrociously cruel punishments.]

[Footnote 170: Forchhammer gives a list of 39 Dhammathats compiled between 1753 and 1882.]

[Footnote 171: They seem to have included tantric works of the Mahklacakra type. See Bode, _Pali Lit. of Burma_, p. 108, Nos. 270, 271. But the name is given in the Pali form cakka.]

[Footnote 172: Among usages borrowed from Hinduism may be mentioned the daily washing in holy water of the image in the Arakan temple at Mandalay. Formerly court festivities, such as the New Year's feast and the festival of ploughing, were performed by Pnns and with Indian rites. On the other hand the Rmyana does not seem to have the same influence on art and literature that it has had in Siam and Java, though scenes from it are sometimes depicted. See _Report, Supt.

Archaeolog. Survey, Burma_, 1908, p. 22.]

[Footnote 173: See especially _The Thirty Seven Nats_ by Sir. R.C.

Temple, 1906, and _Burma_ by Sir. J.G. Scott, 1906, pp. 380 ff. The best authorities seem agreed that Nat is not the Sanskrit Ntha but an indigenous word of unknown derivation.]

[Footnote 174: Possibly in order to include four female spirits: or possibly because it was felt that sundry later heroes had as strong a claim to membership of this distinguished body as the original 33.]

[Footnote 175: It is noticeable that Thagy comes from the Sanskrit Sakra not the Pali Sakka. Th = Sk. s: y = Sk. r.]

[Footnote 176: See R.C. Temple, _The Thirty Seven Nats_, chaps.

X.-XIII., for these cycles.]

[Footnote 177: _E.g._ R.C. Temple, _l.c._ p. 36.]