For Sceptre and Crown Volume I Part 31

The emperor frowned, but without altering his tone Klindworth continued,--

"Your majesty unveiled your designs too soon, and therefore the best moment was lost; a blow should fall heavily, and the opponent be unprepared. A long exchange of despatches reminds me of the Trojan heroes, who made long speeches and related their genealogy before hurling their spears. A dispute, an ultimatum, and your majesty's army in Saxony at once! so should I have conceived the affair. Now the Saxon army approaches Bohemia; it is impossible to fight except in Bohemia, that is to say, the burden of war is brought into our own territory.

That, your imperial majesty, I call indecision; we feel its evil consequences already, and they will increase every day."

"Do you not think," said the emperor, thoughtfully, "that Prussia dreads war, and will give way rather than appeal to arms?"

"No, your majesty, that will not happen; Count Bismarck is incapable of such a course."

"But the king," said the emperor, "he is against the war. They speak of a difference with Bismarck quite recently."

"I do not believe it, your majesty," said Klindworth, "though I own my personal judgment fails me where the King of Prussia is concerned. I knew Frederick William IV.," he continued, "I knew the Emperor Nicholas, and I know the Emperor Napoleon. Of the deceased monarchs I could, of the Emperor Napoleon I can, foretell (through the knowledge of human nature I possess) their probable course of action, but as to King William," and a slight tone of injury and dissatisfaction was heard in his voice, "I never could get any nearer to what he would do.

I have only the ground of conjecture to go upon where he is concerned."

"And what do you conjecture?" asked Francis Joseph.

"I conjecture that the king will not give way, but that he will fight.

He is no longer young, therefore he dreads war, with its misery and distress: he is a Hohenzollern, and all Hohenzollerns have a certain traditional deference for the house of Hapsburg, therefore he especially dreads a war with Austria. But he is a man, a character, and a soldier, therefore he will rather wage war than yield, and make his military organization, which he has perfected after such a severe struggle, the laughing-stock of the world. King William will fight your majesty; threats will not alarm him, therefore to threaten was to blunder, and indecision bears its evil fruit."

"Since, however, the fault of indecision is committed," asked the emperor, "how can we make it good? No statesman can always avoid an error, the great art is to amend it. What can help us now?"

"Quicker decision, and quickest action!" returned Klindworth.

"But you do not know," said the emperor, hesitatingly, "Count Mensdorff----"

"I know all that," returned Klindworth, smiling; "Count Mensdorff is ill, and to sick folks decision is hard."

"How would Metternich, the man of prudence, and of happy combinations, have decided?" asked the emperor, softly, speaking half to himself, half to his companion.

"Metternich would probably never have been in this position, but if he now sat in the state council your majesty's troops would be in Dresden and Hanover."

"But Benedek----" said the emperor.

"Benedek, your majesty, finds himself for the first time in a position of great responsibility, without having yet acted; this depresses him."

"But he says the army is unfit to fight," said the emperor, most unwillingly.

"It will certainly never improve by lying still in Bohemia; if your majesty fights with it, it will become fit to fight," returned Klindworth, positively.

The emperor paced up and down the room; the states-chancellor stood perfectly still, but his grey eyes watched every movement of the emperor, who stopped suddenly before him, and asked,--

"Are you aware of the French proposal?"

"An alliance, provided you yield Venetia," said Klindworth.

"What do you think of it?"

"I think it revolts every feeling of your majesty's heart--and with justice."

"It is not a question of inclination, or disinclination, but of policy," said the emperor.

"Policy is entirely against such an alliance," said Klindworth.

"Why? Count Mensdorff gave me reasons in its favour, which I must own made a powerful impression upon me."

Klindworth's eyes sparkled, and he raised his bent figure somewhat, whilst the movement of his fingers grew quicker, and his voice became more animated, and louder than before.

"All political reasons, your majesty, speak against this alliance, and on these grounds: perhaps, I grant it, opposed to this coalition, Prussia may give way--_perhaps_, but how far? Will your majesty obtain what you desire? No! the quarrel is but patched up, and under such circ.u.mstances that Prussia must win. I do not even believe that they will yield in Berlin. I believe that they will fight, though opposed to the French alliance--and then what occurs? If your majesty conquers, the reward of victory will not be yours. Do you believe the Emperor Napoleon will permit the sole supremacy of Austria over a united Germany? To obtain the fruits of victory you would be forced to commence a fresh war against your former ally, who would join hands with your conquered rival. The benefit of an alliance with France is also doubtful, since France is not in a position for any military undertaking."

"Is that certain?" asked the emperor, with surprise.

"Your majesty is aware that I am careful in making distinct a.s.sertions, and that I possess means of information which may always be relied on.

At this moment France cannot place 100,000 men in the field."

The emperor was silent.

"If, however, the benefits of this alliance are doubtful and insecure,"

said Klindworth, "two great and certain evils must result from it."

The emperor looked at him expectantly.

"In the first place, your majesty, the position of the house of Hapsburg and of Austria in Germany would be deeply compromised by a French alliance. Should your majesty obtain success, half success at the best, public opinion would always regard Prussia as a national martyr, sacrificed to the hereditary enemy of the German nation. This would give Prussia great additional strength, and it would be a fair ground upon which to renew the struggle under more favourable circ.u.mstances."

"Opinion in Germany is on my side," said the emperor.

"Partly," returned Klindworth, "but it is not on the side of France.

Your majesty, I do not belong to those politicians who are always praising up a beloved nationality--for Austria it is highly dangerous--and I belong to the time when the balance of power was maintained by a skilful combination of great and small states; when a bundle of wands cleverly bound together was considered stronger than a clumsy cudgel; yet it is dangerous to slap national feeling in the face, especially now, and henceforth, as it has been raised to fever-heat by 'the great German union,' and similar demagogical watchwords, to which governments always fall dupes. All the South Germans and Bavarians, who are now so full of zeal that they speak, write, and act against Prussia, would, I believe, straightway go over to the enemy's camp, if they heard of an alliance with France. I know what the 'furor Teutonicus' is, your majesty: we used to repress it; now everything is done to kindle it, and if a French alliance is concluded at the present moment, Germany will belong to Prussia."

The emperor listened attentively; his own views appeared to coincide with those of his states-chancellor, and a slight smile played round his lips. This did not escape the quick eyes of Herr Klindworth.

"Besides," he continued, "I consider this alliance prejudicial in the highest degree, on account of the sacrifice which must purchase it."

"Do you consider the possession of Venice so important?" asked the emperor with interest.

"The possession of Venice, in itself, I do not regard as important,"

said Klindworth, "but a great principle is involved, which I hold to be of the highest importance. If of your own free will you barter Venice for a treaty, your majesty solemnly recognizes all that has been done in Italy against the house of Hapsburg, against legitimacy, and against the church; and not this alone, but also what is about to be done against those pillars on which the strength and power of Austria rest, I mean the robbery of the Patrimony of St. Peter, and the secularizing of the Holy Roman See. It would be the abdication of Austria."

"My own feeling tells me the same," exclaimed the emperor. "But do you believe that if I conquer, I shall be able to check the course of events in Italy; that I shall be able to win back what has been lost?"

"I do believe it," replied Klindworth, firmly.

The emperor was startled by this positive answer.

"If I were the victor in Germany, would Germany make a pilgrimage to Rome?" asked he. "I doubt it."

"That would not be needful," returned Klindworth; "we have often heard 'Italia fara da se,' well, let us leave the Italians to act:" and he rubbed his hands together with a low laugh.

"What can Italy do?" said the emperor urgently, "do you know anything?"