Europe in the Sixteenth Century 1494-1598 Part 30

2. Maurice, son of Anne of Saxony, Stattholder from 1587 to 1625.

3. Frederick Henry, son of Louisa de Coligny, Stattholder from 1625 to 1647.

[73] The Earl of Leicester was the brother of Guildford Dudley, the husband of Lady Jane Grey, executed 1554.

[74] Alexander had become Duke of Parma on the death of his father Ottavio, September 1586.

[75] This is generally attributed to the parsimony of the Queen.

But on this and other popular errors cf. _State Papers relating to Defeat of the Spanish Armada_, Navy Records Society, Introduction.

[76] In 1590, Maurice was also appointed Stattholder and Captain-general of Guelderland, Utrecht, Overyssel; but he never was appointed Captain-general of the whole Union.

[77] That Alexander had been approached on this subject is true; but that he ever entertained such a proposal there is not the slightest proof.

[78] The eldest son, Philip, had been kidnapped from school and sent to Spain in 1567. When he returned in 1596, he had become a Catholic and a supporter of Spanish rule.

[79] Maurice after 1590 was Stattholder and Captain-general of Holland, Zealand, Guelderland, Utrecht, and Overyssel, but never Captain-general or Stattholder of the Union.

CHAPTER IX

THE REFORMATION AND THE CIVIL WARS IN FRANCE

Francis and the Reformers--Ma.s.sacre of the Vaudois--Henry II.

and the Reformers--Parties at Accession of Francis II.--Tumult of Amboise--Accession of Charles IX.--States-General and Colloquy of Poissy--Ma.s.sacre of Va.s.sy--First Civil War--Dreux--a.s.sa.s.sination of Francis of Guise--Pacification of Amboise--Second Civil War--St. Denis--Edict of Longjumeau--Third Civil War--Jarnac and Moncontour--Peace of St. Germain--Ma.s.sacre of St. Bartholomew--Fourth Civil War--Treaty of La Roch.e.l.le--Change in Views of Huguenots--Fifth Civil War--Accession of Henry III.--Peace of Monsieur--Guise and the Catholic Leagues--Sixth and Seventh Civil Wars--Treaties of Bergerac and Fleix--France and the Netherlands--The Catholic League--Treaty of Joinville--Eighth Civil War--Courtras--The Barricades--a.s.sa.s.sination of Henry of Guise and Henry III.--Henry IV. and the League--Ninth Civil War--Arques and Ivry--Henry 'receives instruction' and enters Paris--War with Spain--Edict of Nantes--Peace of Vervins--Conclusion.

-- 1. _The Rise of the Huguenots during the Reign of Francis I._

| The first French Reformers.

While France, in pursuit of her policy of opposition to the House of Hapsburg, had been allying herself with the Protestants of Germany, heresy had been growing apace within her own borders. Jacques Lefevre of etaples may fairly claim the t.i.tle of father of French Protestantism. A lecturer on theology at Paris, he had in a commentary on the Epistles of St. Paul (1512) taught the Doctrine of Justification by Faith five years before Luther had denounced indulgences. In 1521, he had, under the patronage of Briconnet, the Bishop, collected a small band of men at Meaux in Champagne, of whom Farel of Dauphine was the most important, and had also influenced Louis de Berquin, the friend of Erasmus, who was a n.o.bleman and a courtier.

| Francis at first inclined to toleration.

| Persecution begins in absence of Francis. 1525.

| Francis adopts a policy of persecution. 1529.

The rise of these new opinions had at once excited the fears of the Sorbonne or theological faculty in the University of Paris, and of the 'Parlement' of Paris. But Francis had no love for either of these inst.i.tutions. The 'Parlement' had opposed him in the matter of the Concordat (cf. p. 81), the Sorbonne had viewed with jealousy his new foundation, the 'College de France' (cf. p. 218). Moreover, he disliked the monks and friars, while his sympathy with literature and culture, the redeeming traits of his otherwise worthless character, as well as the influence of his sister, Margaret of Navarre, led him to tolerate the new opinions; indeed, he is said to have entertained the idea of founding a literary and philosophic inst.i.tution in France with Erasmus at its head. Accordingly in 1523, he saved de Berquin from the 'Parlement,' and had he been victorious at Pavia he might have continued this policy of toleration. His defeat and imprisonment, however, altered the condition of the Protestants for the worse, for his mother, Louise of Savoy, took advantage of his absence to crush out heresy. Leclerc, a wool-carder of Meaux, was burnt, July, 1525; Briconnet was ordered to disperse the brotherhood of Meaux (October 1525); and de Berquin was again arrested (January, 1526). He was, indeed, once more saved from his enemies by Francis, who, on his return to France, even appointed Lefevre tutor to his children. But a change soon came over the policy of the fickle King. His political necessities demanded an alliance with the Pope, who was forming the Holy League against the Emperor (cf. p. 184), and with the clergy at home, who could supply him with money wherewith to continue the war. He had never sympathised with the religious views of the reformers, but only with the literary side of the movement; while the iconoclastic and other extravagances of some of the more hot-headed reformers gave colour to the suggestion that the movement had a political significance. De Berquin, although in no way responsible for these extravagances, refused to listen to the timid caution of Erasmus 'not to disturb the hornets,' and in consequence was seized again and executed (April, 1529).

| Ma.s.sacre of the Vaudois. 1545.

In 1534, an intemperate placard on the abuses of the Ma.s.s not unnaturally increased the indignation of the King; in 1535, the outbreak of the Anabaptists in Munster still further frightened him; and in January 1545, convinced by the misrepresentations of the 'Parlement' of Aix that the Vaudois of Provence were attempting to set up a republic, he gave the fatal order which, whether he intended it or no, led to a ma.s.sacre. More than twenty towns and villages were destroyed, and some three thousand Protestants in the valley of the Durance perished. The reign of Francis closed in the following year with the execution of the 'fourteen' poor artisans at Meaux, the cradle of French Protestantism.

-- 2. _The Reign of Henry II._, 1547-1559.

| French Protestantism becomes Calvinistic and | aggressive.

| Increased persecution under Henry II.

Meanwhile, the French Protestants had come under the influence of Calvin. In 1535, he had dedicated his _Inst.i.tutes_ to Francis I., in the hope, it is said, of convincing the King that his doctrines were not dangerous, and from that moment the French rapidly a.s.similated the teaching of their great countryman. French Protestantism now became dissociated from the literary movement with which it had hitherto been connected, its churches were organised on the democratic system of Geneva, and the movement soon became for the first time political and aggressive. Under these circ.u.mstances it is no wonder that persecution increased after the death of Francis I., especially when we remember that the young King (he was twenty-nine) had not the literary sympathies of his father, and that the Constable de Montmorenci and the Guises, who had been out of favour during the later years of Francis, were again recalled. Accordingly, at the beginning of the reign of Henry II., a special chamber of the 'Parlement' was erected to try cases of heresy, which gained the name of 'La Chambre Ardente,'

from the number of victims it sent to the flames. In 1551, the Edict of Chateaubriant gave to the ecclesiastical courts jurisdiction in matters of heresy without appeal to the 'Parlement,' and in 1557, an attempt was made to introduce the Inquisition into France; Paul IV. published a Bull appointing a commission consisting of the three cardinals of Lorraine, Bourbon, and Chatillon, with the power of delegating their authority.

In spite of these severe measures the number of converts grew apace, and this was the chief motive which induced Henry II. to conclude the treaty of Cateau Cambresis in April, 1559. Although there appears to be no foundation for the a.s.sertion that the Kings of France and Spain bound themselves by a secret clause of that treaty to unite against the heretics, yet negotiations to that effect certainly followed.

| Opposition of the 'Parlement' of Paris.

In June, Philip proposed to aid the French King in exterminating the Protestants; and Henry, while declining the offer, suggested a joint expedition against Geneva. The political rivalry, however, of the two countries was too deep to permit of joint action at present, and Henry pursued his course alone. Here he met with unlooked-for opposition on the part of the 'Parlement.' Heresy in France had hitherto been within the cognisance of the civil courts, and the 'Parlement' had therefore protested as well against the Edict of Chateaubriant as against the Bull of Paul IV. On the latter point the King had given way, but the other cause of dispute remained, and was aggravated by the appearance of a moderate party in the 'Chambre de la Tournelle,'

or criminal session of the 'Parlement,' who declared that persecution was ineffective, and that they would not punish heresy with death. The King was most indignant, and was on the point of proceeding against the leaders, Du Faur and Anne de Bourg, when, at the tournament held to commemorate the Peace, the lance of Montgomery laid him in the dust and transferred the crown to his son, Francis II., a youth of sixteen (July, 1559).

-- 3. _The Reign of Francis II., July, 1559--December, 1560_

| Condition of Huguenots at accession of Francis II.

| Disorganised condition of France.

The Protestants, or Huguenots,[80] as they began to be called, were now too powerful to be put down by such persecution as was possible. They numbered some 400,000, of whom the largest proportion were either burghers and tradesmen of some substance, or belonged to the smaller n.o.bility, a military cla.s.s who were only too ready to appeal to arms. Nor were they dest.i.tute of leaders from the higher n.o.bility and from those of influence at court, notably Conde and Coligny. And yet, had a strong and popular King succeeded, or had there existed in France a well-knit and healthy const.i.tution, some compromise might have been effected, or, failing that, the new opinions might have been at once suppressed by a vigorous use of force. But France was suffering from the evil results of the prolonged foreign war, and from the misguided policy of her Kings since Louis XI. The financial distress, the heavy and unequal taxation, which fell almost exclusively on the lower cla.s.ses, caused widespread discontent against the government. The bureaucracy and the judicature, largely owing to the system of purchase, were hopelessly corrupt, and had lost respect. The Church, though exceedingly wealthy (its revenues amounted to two-fifths of the total revenue of the country), was suffering from the effects of the Concordat; its benefices were monopolised by the n.o.bility and the courtiers, and absorbed in a few hands; thus John, the Cardinal of Lorraine, held three archbishoprics, seven bishoprics, and four abbeys. Its leaders were for the most part men of secular interests, swayed by the factions of the court, and caring little for the spiritual needs of their dioceses. The States-General had been rarely called of late, and had lost all const.i.tutional life. The towns, with no real share in the government of the country, were inclined to stand apart, and depend upon themselves. The greater n.o.bility aimed either at controlling the crown, or, failing that, at establishing themselves as hereditary governors of their provinces. The smaller n.o.bility, excluded from trade and from all professions except those of the army and the Church, now that the war was over, either crowded into the Church, to secularise it more completely, or formed a turbulent military cla.s.s who welcomed the chance of renewed war. France, in short, nominally under the control of a closely centralised monarchy, was suffering from that worst form of anarchy which comes of a bureaucracy when it has become disorganised. To complete the misfortunes of France, the House of Valois was represented by four boys of no character, intellect, or physique, who were the victims of court intrigue and factions, which were to make the crown still more unpopular, and soon to hurry the country into civil war.

| The Bourbons.

The three most influential parties among the n.o.bles were led by the Bourbons, the Constable Anne de Montmorenci, and the Guises. Of these the Bourbons stood nearest the throne. The eldest, Antony of Bourbon, was King of Navarre, in right of his wife Jeanne of Navarre, the daughter of Margaret, the tolerant sister of Francis I. But, although he adopted the Calvinistic views of his wife, and was popular and a good soldier, his weaknesses and irresolution unfitted him for the leadership, which fell to his youngest brother Louis de Conde, who also leaned to the new opinions, and was a man of far more character. The second brother Charles, Cardinal of Bourbon, remained a Catholic, dissociated himself from the policy of his family, and subsequently strove for a brief season to be called Charles X. of France. Closely connected with the Bourbons stood the two nephews of the Constable--Gaspard de Coligny, Admiral of France, and D'Andelot, Colonel-General of the infantry, both strenuous Huguenots. The eldest Odet, Cardinal of Chatillon, although sympathising with the reformers, was never of much weight.

| The Constable Anne de Montmorenci.

The Constable Anne de Montmorenci, who headed the second party, was a devoted Catholic, and a stern soldier, whose severity and devotions in time of war had led men to say, 'Beware of the Constable's Pater Nosters.' His policy had ever been that of alliance with Spain and suppression of heresy--a policy which had lately triumphed in the Peace of Cateau Cambresis. Yet his jealousy of the Guises and of the queen-mother caused him for the present to join the party of the Bourbons.

| The Guises.

Lastly came the Guises. This family, the cadet branch of the House of Lorraine, was founded by Claude, second son of Rene of Lorraine, the grandson of Rene le Bon, of Anjou, through his daughter Iolante. Claude had earned a reputation by his defence of the eastern frontier after the defeat of Pavia, 1525, and had married his daughter Mary to James V. of Scotland. In reward for his services, Francis I.

had erected Guise, Aumale, and Mayenne into duchies which Claude left on his death (1550) to two of his sons, Francis, Duke of Guise, and Claude, Duke of Aumale; while two others, Charles and Louis, entered the Church to become the Cardinals of Lorraine and Guise. Duke Francis had surpa.s.sed his father's fame by his defence of Metz (1552-1553), and by the taking of Calais (1558). Ostentatious and open-handed, he courted popularity, and what he lacked in statesmanship was supplied by his younger brother Charles, the Cardinal, who, in spite of his avarice and his arrogance, was scrupulous in the outward observance of his clerical duties, a master of diplomacy, and an accomplished scholar of persuasive speech. Although we must wait till the next generation for the full development of the schemes of this ambitious family--schemes which no doubt expanded as the opportunities presented themselves--yet the foundations were already laid by these two remarkable men. The key to the policy of the Guises is to be found in the fact that they were only half Frenchmen, and that they were only remotely connected with the royal family. Looked upon as upstarts by the older n.o.bility, and afraid of being excluded from power by the Bourbons, they a.s.serted their descent from the House of Anjou, and even from the Karolings. The family of Anjou, if still existing in the male line, would have been nearer to the throne than the Bourbons themselves. But the male line had died out with Charles of Maine (1481), and accordingly the Guises pressed the claims of the female line, through which they could trace their descent from Rene of Anjou. Their half-foreign extraction presented greater difficulties. These they had no doubt in part removed by their military exploits in defending France. Now that the war was over, they naturally adopted the cause of Catholicism, which gave them a certain popularity among the lower cla.s.ses, more especially of Paris, which city remained intensely Catholic throughout. Their foreign policy, although Catholic, was not Spanish at this date, for they dreamt of supporting the claim of Mary, Queen of Scots, wife of Francis II., to the throne of England, and of uniting the three countries into a strong monarchy which might balance the Austro-Spanish power.

| Catherine de Medici.

Amid these conflicting factions, belonging to none of them, yet anxious to control them all, stood Catherine de Medici, the Queen-mother. 'What,' said Henry IV. of her subsequently, 'could a poor woman have done, with her husband dead, five small children upon her hands, and two families who were scheming to seize the throne--our own and the Guises? I am astonished that she did not do even worse.' The clew to the policy of this much-abused woman lies in her foreign extraction and her previous life. A Florentine and a Medici, she was unpopular in France, while she failed to secure the love of her husband, Henry II., and saw her influence eclipsed by Diana of Poictiers, his mistress. This exclusion from all influence working on a jealous nature, had bred an intense pa.s.sion to rule. Had direct rule now been possible for her, Catherine might have done well enough; for though devoid of moral elevation, she was not vicious. She was very industrious and painstaking, and anxious to please. She wished to maintain the independence of the country against the designs of Spain, as well as the authority of the crown which was threatened by the internal factions; if a Catholic, she was certainly no bigot, and would probably have granted at least a contemptuous toleration to the Huguenots. But when power was denied her, and her position was threatened, like a true Medici she betook herself to intrigue--so often the resource of the weak--and pursued a policy of balance which was all the more fatal because it did not succeed.

| The Guises in power.

As Francis was over thirteen, it was not necessary to have a regency. None the less, it would have been natural that Antony of Navarre, as the nearest male relation of full age, should be called to power. This was, however, prevented by the Guises. Uncles of the Queen, they succeeded in obtaining complete control of the young King; and Catherine, seeing that they were too strong to be opposed, jealous of Navarre, and disliking Montmorenci on account of his insolent behaviour to her during her husband's life, threw herself on their support. Montmorenci was dismissed, and retired to his estates at Chantilly; Coligny was deprived of his governorship of Picardy, nearly all the governors on whom the Guises could not depend were removed, and while the Duke controlled the army, the Cardinal of Lorraine became the head of the civil administration. Having thus monopolised the government of the kingdom, the Guises resumed the procedure against the refractory members of the 'Parlement,' which had been stayed by the death of Henry II. Anne de Bourg, condemned by a special commission, was executed in spite of his appeal against the legality of the court, and the others were suspended or imprisoned.

| The Tumult of Amboise. March 17, 1560.

But the triumph of the Guises was not to go unchallenged, and a formidable opposition was aroused in which their political and religious opponents joined hands. The n.o.bility were indignant at being deprived of their governorships, and a.s.serted the right of the princes of the blood against these upstart foreigners. The heavy taxation and the poor success of the war in Scotland, where Mary of Guise, a.s.sisted by her brothers, was carrying on an unequal struggle against the 'Lords of the Congregation,' added to the grievances. Those who wished to revive the authority of the States-General seized the opportunity to attack the despotic government of the Guises, and the religious discontent served as a rallying-point. In the spring of 1560, De la Renaudie, a n.o.ble of Perigord, formed a plot to remove the King, who was at Amboise, from the hands of the Guises, and to place the Prince of Conde at the head of the government. The plot, however, was betrayed. De la Renaudie was killed in a skirmish, and the other conspirators cruelly punished, some being hung from the balcony of the castle.