Education in England in the Middle Ages Part 9

(because the payment was made when the pupil was admitted to the school), "quarterages" (payments made at the beginning of each term), "breaking up money" (similar payments made at the end of term). These payments did not become common until the sixteenth century--a period which is outside the time with which we are dealing; consequently, it will not be necessary for us to deal more fully with the question here. The record of the chantry founded at Newland by Richard Gryndour, however, may be referred to.[339]

At the school which the chantry priest was required to teach, he was ent.i.tled to charge "scolers lerning gramer, 8d. the quarter, and of others lerning to rede, 4d. the quarter."[340] As instances of other types of payments to schoolmasters we may quote the regulations of Ipswich Grammar School where it was prescribed in 1476-7 that those attending the grammar cla.s.s should pay 10d., the psalter cla.s.s 8d., and the primer cla.s.s 6d.

each quarter.[341] A reduction in these terms appears to have been made for the sons of burgesses living in Ipswich who were to pay "8d. a quarter ... and not above."[342] Again, the statutes and ordinances of the Boteler Grammar Schools,[343] described as a _Free_ Grammar School, prescribe that "it shall be lawfull to the schoolmaster to take ... four pennys by-year that is to say in the Quarter next after Christmas A c.o.c.k penny and in any of the three other Quarters in the year one Potation Penny."[344] The deed of 1414 which recorded the wishes of Bishop Langley with regard to his foundation at Durham, stated that "diligenter instruere et docere pauperes qui dem gratis pro Deo, si hoc ipsi vel parentes sui pro amore Dei humiliter petierint, ab illis autem, qui se vel amicos suos scolares voluerunt recipiendo stipendia moderata in aliis scolis grammatice vel cantus solvi consueta."[345]

The custom of providing an endowment for the support of the school and its master, as distinct from the maintenance of scholars, dates from an early period. The earliest definite instance in this country, which has been so far traced, occurred C. 1190 when Abbot Samson endowed "the schoolmaster who for the time being taught in the town of St. Edmunds" with half the revenues of a rectory.[346] The next available instance is the record at Wells of a house being given to the schoolmaster there, for the time being, together with the prebend of Biddenham as an endowment.[347]

Endowments gradually become increasingly numerous as will be exemplified in detail when we deal with the foundation of chantries and other charitable inst.i.tutions.

(_d_) JUDICIAL FUNCTIONS OF SCHOOLMASTERS.

By the ordinance issued by William the Conqueror, the separation of the civil and the ecclesiastical courts was effected. As a result, it came about that those who were ent.i.tled to the "benefit of clergy" claimed that disputes in which they were concerned, should be dealt with in the ecclesiastical courts. Possibly it is by an extension of this principle that it was claimed that cases in which the scholars of a particular school were concerned, should be considered to be under the jurisdiction of the schoolmaster of that school. The evidence available is not sufficient to enable us to decide the extent to which this custom prevailed, but a study of the powers of jurisdiction possessed by the schoolmasters of Salisbury, Cambridge, St. Albans, and Canterbury will a.s.sist us to determine its general character.

The respective jurisdiction of the Chancellor and the Sub-dean of Salisbury was decided in 1278 when it was provided that the chancellor "ad cuius officium pertinet scolas regere" should deal with all disputed matters (with the exception of questions of immorality) in which his scholars were implicated, whilst the sub-dean was to exercise jurisdiction in all matters in which the priests of the city were concerned.[348]

A similar decision was arrived at by the Bishop of Ely in 1276, when he sought to define the respective jurisdiction of the "Magister Glomerie,"

the Chancellor of Cambridge University, and the Archdeacon of Ely.[349]

The judicial powers of the Master of St. Albans School were set out in detail in the school statutes of 1309.[350] It is interesting to note that the master could be a.s.sisted "by the secular arm, invoked if need be for the special purpose."

The Canterbury schoolmaster possessed considerable powers of jurisdiction in matters in which his scholars were concerned, and there is evidence that some of these schoolmasters did not hesitate to use their powers when necessity arose. John Everard, "Rector scolarum civitatis Cantuariensis"

in 1311, in particular, was keen on a.s.serting his authority. The claim, which he maintained that he possessed, was investigated by a special commission of clerics and laymen, who reported in his favour. To prevent him from exercising his authority, an appeal was made to the Court of King's Bench. The schoolmaster continued vigorously to press the recognition of his powers of jurisdiction and ultimately the authority he claimed was upheld.[351]

We cannot generalise from these instances, but it is unquestionable that some schoolmasters possessed special powers of acting in a judicial capacity in cases in which their pupils were involved.

CHAPTER VI.

THE EDUCATION OF THE SONS OF THE n.o.bILITY.

It is necessary to consider now the nature of the Education of those whose social position prevented them from sharing in the gratuitous Education, which was offered by the Church and freely accepted by the sons and daughters of "liberi tenentes," or of villeins, cottars, or serfs. These educational facilities thus offered by the Church might possibly be utilised by the children of the manorial officials, the steward, or the bailiff; but they would never be shared by children of gentle birth.

In the Middle Ages, in England as on the continent, youths of n.o.ble parentage were not sent to schools for their education, but to the households of great n.o.bles or great ecclesiastics. Thus, as we have seen, Odo, subsequently Archbishop of Canterbury, was taught as a boy in the household of the thane Athelhelm[352]; this custom was consequently already well established in the tenth century. Other instances that may be given are those of Stephen of Blois, who received his education at the court of his uncle, Henry I.; of Henry II., who lived at the house of Duke Robert of Gloucester; and of Henry VI., who was put under the care of Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick. To that n.o.ble were also entrusted the heirs of baronies in the Crown's wardship, so that his court practically became "an academy for the young n.o.bility."

Fitzstephen, the biographer of Thomas a Becket, tells us that "the n.o.bles of England and of the neighbouring kingdoms used to send their sons to serve the Chancellor, whom he trained with honourable bringing-up and learning; and when they had received the knight's belt, sent them back with honour to their fathers and kindred; some he used to keep. The king himself, his master, entrusted to him his son, the heir of the realm, to be brought up; whom he had with him, with many sons of n.o.bles of the same age, and their proper retinue and masters and proper servants in the honour due."[353]

The nature of the education which was given at the houses of the great n.o.bles was determined by an ideal which grew out of the special circ.u.mstances of the time. Prominent among the contributory factors to the formation of this ideal were (1) the Feudal System, (2) the Crusades, (3) the Church.

(1) We have already dealt briefly with the origin and development of the Feudal System; hence it will be sufficient to point out here, that the Conquest had succeeded in establishing it more firmly in this country.

Each fief now became in practice a separate court under its lord, whose eldest son could naturally look forward to succeeding to the position occupied by his father. It is in this connection that we find one need which the education of the young n.o.ble would be expected to meet. It was necessary that he should receive the training which would be of service to him in discharging effectively the position which in the ordinary course of things he would subsequently be called upon to fill.

(2) Without enquiring fully into the causes contributory to the Crusades, we may mention that they arose out of one of those outbursts of energy which in subsequent ages found expression in such movements as the Revival of Learning and the French Revolution. More definitely, the Crusades were the response made by the n.o.bility to the appeal of the East for help against the infidel. This response was given the more readily because it was in harmony with the restless love of adventure and with the desire for glory and fame, which manifested themselves during this period.

(3) It is also important to notice that there existed at this time a widespread belief in the efficacy of penitence and ascetism, as a means of gaining religious virtue. This frequently took the form of a pilgrimage, and the Crusades furnished a "stupendous pilgrimage under specially favourable and meritorious conditions." "The first Crusade was the marriage of War and Religion, the consecration by the Church of the military spirit, which was the first step in the creation of Chivalry."[354]

These three factors contributed to the growth of those customs which prevailed among the n.o.ble cla.s.ses in Western Europe during the greater part of the Middle Ages, and to which the term chivalry is usually applied. A certain ideal of the qualities which were essential to a "perfect knight" gradually evolved. Hence it was the business of the household to which the sons of the n.o.bility were sent for training to endeavour, as far as possible, to equip their "pupils" with the knowledge, skill, habits, and qualities which custom had decreed should be possessed before admission to the grade of knighthood was obtained.

It is possible to trace four main elements in the chivalric ideal: (1) military prowess, (2) service and loyalty, (3) the "worship of woman," (4) religion.

Taking each of these points in turn, we note first that the importance of military training at this period is a topic which scarcely calls for elaboration. The age was essentially warlike; the definite objective of the Crusades was one that could only be achieved through military skill.

Hence, no slight amount of the training of the future knight was devoted to the acquisition of skill as a horseman and in the use of the weapons of war.

The second element to which we have referred--"service and loyalty"--may be described as the underlying principle of chivalry. The service, however, sprang from pride in the position occupied; no task was considered menial if it arose out of the service due from the squire to his liege lord. Loyalty is inherent in the idea of chivalry; it is an inseparable part of the knightly ideal.

Only a pa.s.sing reference is necessary to the third element--the "worship of women"--even though it played a most important part in the development of the character of the prospective knight by refining his manners, checking coa.r.s.eness of expression, and tending generally to the growth of the idea of courtesy which is now conceived of as the distinctive mark of a chivalrous man. Here we may simply say that to do the pleasure of ladies was regarded both as the chief solace of the knight and the mainspring of his actions.

The remaining element in the chivalric ideal is that of religion. The Church looms large; the knight was brought up to use her sacraments, to obey her precepts, and to show reverence to her ministers. "The Crusader, the Hospitaller, and the Knights of Santiago were champions of the Church against the infidel. The knight's consecration to chivalry was after the form of a sacrament, and to defend the Church was a part of his initiation. The least religious acknowledged the authority of religion and it was the imputation of impiety rather than of immorality which destroyed the Templar; for impiety was in those days a worse imputation than immorality."[355]

To summarise the course of preparation for knighthood, it may be pointed out that for the first seven years of training, the aspirants were known as pages, varlets, or damoiseaux. Under their masters and mistresses they performed most humble domestic duties and practised at doing everything they saw done by the knights. After attaining the age of fourteen years, they were promoted to the rank of squire, a promotion that was celebrated by a religious ceremony. The training now became more severe and included ability in all matters relating to the art of warfare, together with duties in connection with the stables and horses, and skill in the art of heraldry.

The intellectual part of the training of the squire involved instruction in "sondry languages" and the acquisition of ability "to pipe, sing, dance" and to play the harp.[356] In the oft-quoted pa.s.sage from Chaucer it is stated that the squire:--

"wel cowde ryde, He cowde songes wel make and endite, Justne and eek daunce, and wel purtray and write."

The actual school curriculum followed by the squire would therefore resemble that of children of lower social grades, to the extent that "song" and "writing" were included in both. Among the "sondry languages,"

it is certain that Latin would be numbered; in addition he would learn French and (possibly) Italian.

Chivalry began to decline about the middle of the thirteenth century.

"Froissart characterises and describes with picturesque detail this tendency to decay which, as time advanced, gradually resulted in a complete transformation, so that the chivalric ideal became lost and the independence of the soldier, once the slave only of his G.o.d and of his lady, gave way to the obsequiousness of the courtier, and finally became a selfish and pitiful servility."[357]

What place does chivalric education occupy in the evolution of educational thought and practice? In the first place, it contributed to the elaboration of the educational ideal. Though, as we have indicated, chivalric education was based on utility, just as was the education of the schools of the cloister or of the church, yet it resulted in a wider connotation being given to the term "education." Chivalric education aimed at fitting a man to live a life in society; whereas the education given by the monk or priest aimed only at fitting a man to lead a religious life. A change was also made in the estimation of educational values: the intellectual element of education (though not entirely ignored) was yet relegated to a subsidiary position, whilst the care of the body, notoriously absent from the ecclesiastical education, was exalted to an important position. It is interesting also to note that the custom of sending boys of good family away from home directly contributed to the practice of sending boys to a residential school, which is characteristic of the present day, especially among parents of good financial means. In addition, we must note that some of the ideals of chivalry have tended to live on in our great public schools of to-day; further, they have influenced our secondary schools and, to a lesser extent, our elementary schools. Admiration for physical prowess, as exemplified on the playing fields, still occupies the highest place in the mind of the schoolboy; the ideal of service survives in the custom of "f.a.gging"; loyalty, honour, courtesy, and deference to external ceremonial continue to be distinctive marks of the "schools of the n.o.bility" of to-day.

There is a danger in a.s.suming that all the ideals of chivalry were equally high, and that the contribution of chivalry to education was greater than it really was. "Chivalry," writes Cornish, "taught the world the duty of n.o.ble service willingly rendered. It upheld courage and enterprise in obedience to rule, it consecrated military prowess to the service of the church, glorified the virtues of liberality, good faith, unselfishness, and courtesy, and, above all, courtesy to women. Against these may be set the vices of ostentation, love of bloodshed, contempt of inferiors, and loose manners. Chivalry was an imperfect discipline, but it was a discipline, and one fit for the times. It may have existed in the world too long; it did not come into existence too early; and with all its shortcomings, it exercised a great and wholesome influence in lifting the medieval world from barbarism to civilisation."[358]

The practice of sending the sons of the n.o.bility and gentry to the houses of other n.o.bles continued even after "chivalry" itself as a mode of life had died out. Thus, Sir Thomas More was brought up at the house of Cardinal Morton;[359] Cardinal Wolsey had a number of young lords residing with him;[360] in the household of the Earl of Northumberland in 1571 were a number of young gentlemen.[361]

For the purpose of teaching these young n.o.bles, it was customary that there should be a "Maistyr of Gramer" as a part of the establishment of the house, who was responsible for the instruction "which is necessary for song and the rules of grammatical construction."[362] Various household books bear testimony to the presence of this tutor.[363] It is not suggested that the education given at the houses of n.o.bles and other great men was very effective from an academic point of view. In fact, the opinion in which letters were generally held at the time was not sufficiently high to serve as an inducement for study to be taken up seriously by young members of the higher social cla.s.ses.[364] The course of study followed included Latin, French, writing, fencing, accounts, and music,[365] but this enumeration of subjects does not imply that a high standard was attained. A further consideration of this subject will be necessary when the period subsequent to the Reformation is dealt with.

BOOK III.

EDUCATION Pa.s.sING OUT OF CHURCH CONTROL.

CHAPTER I.

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CHANGES.

During the period we now proceed to consider, the idea gradually developed that education was not a matter which exclusively pertained to the Church.

With the rise of the universities, the control of education tended to pa.s.s out of the power of the Church; with the social and economic progress of the country, there was a growth of the idea that civic and trade and craft organisations respectively owed a duty to the community, and that this duty included the provision of facilities for education.

This idea of civic or community responsibility for education which began to manifest itself in a tentative manner, was not the outcome of any opposition to the Church, or due to a feeling that the Church had not been sufficiently alive to its responsibilities. On the contrary, the provision for education which was made was, generally speaking, entrusted to the care of the Church, and the teachers of the schools continued to be the priests of the Church. In fact, we may go so far as to a.s.sert that the consciousness of social responsibility which now developed was, to a great extent, the outgrowth of religious teaching.

At the same time that we emphasise this general statement, we must admit that there existed certain signs of a tendency to a.s.sert independence of the Church, and various symptoms began to manifest themselves which were indicative of the fact that school-keeping was ceasing to be regarded as exclusively a function of the priesthood. The tendency to independence of the Church showed itself, among other places, at Coventry, where the corporation sent a deputation to the Prior of Coventry "wyllyng hym to occupye a skole of Gramer, fyye he like to teche hys Brederon and Childerom of the aumbry, and that he wolnot gruche ne meve the contrai, but that euery mon off this Cite be at hys ffre chosse to sette hys chylde to skole to what techer off Gramer that he likyth, as reson askyth"[366]; and at Bridgenorth, where an ordinance was pa.s.sed in 1503, that no priest should keep a school after a schoolmaster had come to town.[367] As ill.u.s.trating the tendency to place schools under the control of organisations other than the Church may be mentioned the school founded at Farthinghoe in 1443 by John Abbot, a mercer of London, who placed the school under the control of the Mercers' Company,[368] and the school founded by Sir Edmund Sha in 1487, which was put in mortmain "unto his felliship of the craft of goldsmythes."[369] Two other instances are available. In 1502, Sir John Percyvale founded a "Fre Gramer Scole" at Macclesfield[370] for "gentil mennes sonnes and other good menses children in Maxfiled and the Countre thereabouts." The government of the school was entrusted to seventeen local laymen who were to act as trustees. In 1505, Sir Bartholomew Read, who founded a school at Cromer, made the Goldsmith's Company the governing body.[371] That school-keeping was ceasing to be regarded as the exclusive function of the priesthood is indicated by the will of the founder of Sevenoaks Grammar School in 1432, which specified that the schoolmaster was not to be a priest "in sacris ordinibus minime const.i.tutus,"[372] and by the fact that the names of schoolmasters are to be found on the rolls of the Freemen of the city of York.[373]