Education in England in the Middle Ages Part 19

3. Those learning the Psalms.

4. Those studying Donatus and Priscian.

II. CHILDREY.

The first full curriculum of a school which we have been able to trace, is that which was drawn up for the use of the school which was founded in 1526 at Childrey, in Berkshire, by Sir William Fettiplace. The priest to be appointed to the school was required to be well instructed in grammar.

The children in the school were to be taught, first, the alphabet, and then in Latin, the Lord's Prayer, the "Hail Mary," the Apostles' Creed, all things necessary for serving at Ma.s.s, the De Profoundis, collects for the departed, and grace for dinner and supper; and in English, the Fourteen Articles of Faith, the Ten Commandments, the seven deadly sins, the seven sacraments, the seven gifts of the Holy Spirit, the seven works of mercy, the manner of confession, good manners and good conduct. In addition, if any of those who attended the school were capable of profiting by further instruction, the master was required to instruct them in grammar.[732]

III. ETON.

We also possess a full account of the curriculum adopted at the school founded by the will of Edmund Flower, a "citizein and marchaunt tailor of London."[733] Previous to his death, Flower had "for certeine years past at his cost and charge caused a fre Gramer Scole to be maintained and kept at Cukfelde." This school was further endowed by William Spicer, the inc.u.mbent of Balcombe in 1528, who required that the schoolmaster should "teach the said school grammar after the form order and usage used and taught in the grammar school at Eton near Windsor from form to form." For this purpose, a copy of the Eton time table was obtained. This original has, unfortunately, been lost, but a copy, which dates from the Stuart period, is still preserved in a book in the possession of the Vicar of Cuckfield.[734] The Eton time table of this period was also sent to Saffron Walden School, and, together with the time table of Winchester, was incorporated in the Saffron Walden School statutes.[735]

The statutes show that the Latin grammar in use was that by Stanbridge, so far as the lower forms were concerned, and that by Whittington in the higher forms. John Stanbridge, who was made master of Banbury Hospital School in 1501, wrote several Latin Grammars. The teaching of grammar "after the manner of Banbury" was subsequently prescribed at a number of grammar schools, _e.g._ Manchester, Cuckfield, and Merchant Taylors.[736]

Whittington was the master of the school at Lichfield, in connection with St. John's Hospital in that city; he brought out an improved version of the grammar of Stanbridge.[737]

The Latin authors mentioned in these statutes include Terence, Cicero, Sall.u.s.t, Caesar, Horace, Ovid, Virgil, thus showing that the influence of the Renaissance was beginning to be felt. Here, however, we touch upon a topic which must be reserved for future consideration. It is possible to read too much into this list of authors, as Colet, in his statute of 1518, when dealing with the choice of authors to be studied at St. Paul's School, mentions Lactantius, Prudentius, Proba, Sedulius, Juvencus, and Baptista Mantua.n.u.s, even though he expressly stated that he wished to select only "good auctors suych as have the veray Romayne eloquence joyned with wisdome."

We may, therefore, summarise the school curriculum of the Middle Ages as consisting mainly of grammar, meaning by the term the study of the reading of ecclesiastical Latin, and the acquisition of the power to speak Latin.

During the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, Logic was also studied and, for a time, was the supreme study. Gradually the study of Logic returned to a subsidiary position, due, partly, to the fact that new studies were slowly finding their way into the curriculum owing to the humanistic influences which began to manifest themselves in Italy in the fourteenth century; and partly to the fact that the barren nature of the study of Logic was being realised by men of thought.

A new subject began to win a place in the school curriculum towards the close of the fifteenth century--the study of the Scrivener's art, or the art of writing. We have already dealt with this subject in previous chapters.[738] Here it may suffice to set forth the reason which Thomas Rotherham, Archbishop of York, gave for introducing the subject into his Foundation of Rotherham College in 1483:--[739]

"Tercio que, quia multos luce et ingenii ac.u.mine preditos juvenes profert terra illa, neque omnes volunt sacerdotii dignitatem et alt.i.tudinem attingere, ut tales ad artes mechanicas et alia mundi Concernia magis habilitentur, ordinavimus tercium socium, in arte scribendi et computandi scientem et peritum."

CHAPTER IX.

THE PROGRESS OF EDUCATION.

In reviewing the educational progress which our country has made during the later Middle Ages, our starting point must be the consideration of the ideals which at various times dominated education, and created a supply of, and a demand for, facilities for education.

The ideal behind the schools first established in this country was essentially religious. The early missionaries clearly realised that the Christian religion could not exist side by side with ignorance. It was necessary that provision should be made to enable converts effectively to partic.i.p.ate in the divine service offered by the church; it was imperative that Latin should be taught to those who wished properly to understand the teaching of the church and to those who were desirous of being admitted to office in the church. Latin was the native language of the Christian missionaries; the services of the church were conducted in that tongue; and medieval ecclesiastical literature was written in the Latin language.

More than this, Latin was the universal language of the civilised world of the time and, it must be remembered, there was no standard language in this country which could act as a subst.i.tute. It was in response to this ideal of the Church, the ideal which required that facilities for religious education should be within the reach of all, that the Church set herself to see that in every parish, in every town, in every city, a school should be found.

The progress of the Christian religion entailed a progress in morality.

Progress in morality necessarily involved progress in civilisation. With the growth of civilisation, there developed gradually an interest in the things of the mind as well as the things of the body. Thus it came about that education began to possess a value for its own sake, apart from its service in connection with religious progress.

But the ideal of education, as necessary for moral perfection, never ceased to be the ideal behind the establishment of church schools. From the earliest date three things have been considered necessary for religious education: there must be a training in habits of worship and devotion, the mind must be stored with adequate and systematised knowledge of the doctrine of the Church to serve as a guide to conduct, and there must be held before the mind of the pupil the ideal character of Christ, human and divine.

Hence we note that the curriculum of the schools evolved in response to this ideal. It consisted, as we have seen, of song and grammar: song, because of its value in the training of habits of worship and devotion; grammar, because it put the scholar in possession of the key to unlock the store of knowledge which the Church possessed.

Gradually another ideal came into existence. People began to realise that these church schools were useful for "bread and b.u.t.ter" purposes. Just as the ideal which we have first outlined and which created the supply of schools was the highest possible, so the motive which exercised an important influence upon the demand for schools was the lowest possible.

Yet, it must be confessed that the "bread and b.u.t.ter" motive proved to be a most powerful one in stimulating the demand for schools. Throughout the history of the human race self-interest has always been a powerful stimulant to action. Under normal circ.u.mstances and in the great majority of cases, as soon as a man freely realises that a certain course will be of service to him, he proceeds to take the necessary action.

These two ideals were in operation, side by side, during the period from the eleventh century to the close of the Middle Ages. The authorities of the church, believing in the value of education as an agency for the elevation of the human character sought to provide schools; the principle of self-interest, in many cases, led children to attend these schools.

Towards the latter part of the period we are now concerned with, a new ideal and a new agency gradually manifested itself. The new ideal arose out of the perception of the value of education. Education began to be conceived of as a preparation for a life in this world as well as a life in eternity; now "learning and manners" begin to be combined just as previously "religion and letters" were linked together. Thus we read that the school at Wisbech was founded that children might be instructed in "G.o.dly and vertuos lerninge,"[740] and the school at Tewkesbury "for the bringynge up of the saide youths in knowlege of vertue and good learninge."[741]

With this realisation of a social ideal for education, schools began to be provided by civic societies and by merchants who had gained a fortune for themselves. The social ideal arose out of the value of religious education, hence the curriculum was not affected. There was a change in the agency through which the school was provided, there was a change in the mode of governing the schools, there was a change in the relationship of the teacher to the church, but there was no change in the curriculum.

Inspired originally by a religious ideal, it was now known to serve a social purpose.

Among the early merchant founders of schools may be mentioned William Sevenoaks, a grocer of London, who founded Sevenoaks Grammar School in 1432, Edmund Flower, citizen and merchant tailor of London, the founder of Cuckfield Grammar School in 1521, Richard Collyer, mercer, who founded Horsham School, Suss.e.x, in 1532, and William Dyer, mercer, who founded a school at Houghton Regis in 1515.

Bearing these general principles in mind, we find that the main events connected with the progress of education during the later Middle Ages may conveniently be considered under three headings.

1. Circ.u.mstances which influenced the demand for schools.

2. Lollardism and Education.

3. Educational Legislation.

(1) The circ.u.mstances which influenced the demand for schools arose out of the existing social conditions. The Church, as a profession, offered considerable attraction to the able but penniless youth. Many of the outstanding churchmen of the Middle Ages were men who had come from a comparatively lowly origin. Thus William of Wykeham was the son of a yeoman whose ancestors for generations had "ploughed the same lands, knelt at the same altar, and paid due customs and service to the lord of the manor." Henry Chicheley, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury, famous as the founder of All Soul's College, was also the son of a yeoman. William Waynflete, afterwards Bishop of Winchester and Lord Chancellor of England, was of lowly origin and at one time occupied the comparatively humble position of grammar master at Eton College at a salary of 10 a year.

But apart from the great prizes of the church available to those of outstanding ability, there were also a large number of openings possible to the man who had availed himself of the educational facilities offered by the church schools and had there mastered the elements of grammar. He might proceed from the parochial church schools to the school of a collegiate church, and possibly he might make his way to the university and ultimately obtain ordination to the priesthood.

The financial advantages of the education offered by the church became obvious after the Norman Conquest, and arose out of an undesigned circ.u.mstance. Prior to the Conquest, the parishes of this country were under the spiritual care of Saxon rectors who were generally well-born and whose position was well-endowed. The Norman Conquest ultimately resulted in these men being deprived of their cures and being replaced by ill-paid vicars or parochial chaplains. The chief factors which brought about this condition of things were impropriations, papal provisors, pluralities, and the custom, which gradually grew up, of appointing to livings men who had only been admitted to minor orders in the church.

The practice of impropriation was an indirect result of the revival of the monastic principle. The custom of endowing a newly founded monastery with the patronage of existing churches gradually came into being. When a vacancy occurred, the monastery as patrons of the benefice bestowed it upon themselves as a corporation, and drew the stipend attached to it, appointing a "vicar" to perform the requisite spiritual duties, and allowing the vicar only a comparatively insignificant share of the temporalities of the benefice. The position of the inc.u.mbent was consequently considerably degraded both in dignity and in emolument.

The custom of papal provisors dates from the thirteenth century when the popes began to a.s.sume a power of nominating to vacant benefices. In this way foreigners were appointed to many of the most lucrative of the English benefices. Naturally they never came near their parishes, but contented themselves with the appointment of an ill-paid parochial chaplain to discharge the necessary duties. This custom was put an end to by the Statute of Praemunire (1392).

We must also note that the system of pluralities was carried on in the Middle Ages to an extent which seems to us almost incredible to-day. One man might hold several valuable livings which he never went near, whilst a clerk, who was frequently paid a miserable wage, was expected to do the work. Equally vicious was the custom of appointing to benefices men who had only been admitted to minor clerical orders. "A glance at the lists of inc.u.mbents of parishes in any good county history will reveal the fact that rectors of parishes were often only deacons, sub-deacons, or acolytes. It is clear that in many of these cases--probably in the majority of them--the men had taken minor orders only to qualify themselves for holding the temporalities of a benefice and never proceeded to the priesthood at all."[742] Just as in the other cases we have mentioned, these men drew the revenues of the living and then appointed a deputy at a small salary to be responsible for the duty.

Whilst the spiritual effects of this policy were disastrous, the policy itself resulted in education becoming an object of desire to men in the lower social grades, as they saw in education an opportunity of escape from their existing circ.u.mstances. It does not follow that these men made either incapable or undesirable priests. One of the most charming pictures drawn by Chaucer is that of the poor parson of the town, but his social position is indicated by the fact that "with him there was a ploughman, was his brother."

The number of possible ecclesiastical appointments does not end with vicars and parochial chaplains. In addition there were the numerous chantries, which existed in connection with so very many churches in the country, and for each of which one or two priests would be required. Then again the gilds to which we have already referred usually maintained one or more chaplains. In these ways employment would probably be found for a large number of priests. "There were at the Reformation, ten gilds in Windham in Norfolk, seven at Hingham, seventeen at Yarmouth. Moreover, a gild like a chantry, had sometimes more than one gild priest. Leland tells us that the gild of St. John's in St. Botolph's Church, Boston, had ten priests 'living in a fayre house at the west end of the parish churchyard.' In St. Mary's Church, Lichfield, was a gild which had five priests."[743]

Besides all these regular appointments, there were a large number of priests who earned fees by taking "temporary engagements" to say ma.s.ses for the souls of the departed. Thus Archbishop Islip in his "Const.i.tutions" speaks of this cla.s.s as those who "through covetousness and love of ease, not content with reasonable salaries, demand excessive pay for their labours and receive it."[744] Chaucer introduces one of these characters into his _Canon Yeoman's Tale_:--

"In London was a priest an annueller, That therein dwelled hadde many a year Which was so pleasant and so serviceable Unto the wife there as he was at table That she would suffer him no thing to pay For board ne clothing went he never so gay And spending silver had he right ynoit."

Employment for qualified men was also available in connection with the establishments of great n.o.bles. The household books which are available usually contain a record relating to a "maister of gramer." In addition to grammar masters, these establishments often afforded opportunities for employment for a number of priests. The "Household Book of the Earl of Northumberland" gives us information which enables us to see that he maintained a dean, ten other priests, and six children, who formed a choir for his private chapel.[745]

It was not only n.o.blemen of high standing who numbered chaplains on their establishment. Knights and gentlemen and even wealthy tradesmen and yeomen also had their domestic chaplains. Sir Thomas More writes: "there was such a rabel (of priests) that every mean man must have a priest to wait upon his wife, which no man almost lacketh now."[746]

We have thus demonstrated that there existed a considerable demand for men who had received a certain amount of education, and that as a result the demand for schools was stimulated. The account we have given in the preceding part of this work shows that a supply of schools was forthcoming to meet this demand. We have confined ourselves here to treating of the demand for men of education in connection with ecclesiastical positions, but it would also have been possible to show that men of education were also needed in connection with commerce and law.

(2) Turning next to the second of the three headings we have indicated, we note that Lollardism is the general term applied to the political and theological doctrines a.s.sociated with the name of John Wycliffe. His main ideas are embodied in his _De Civili Domino_ and _De Domino Divino_. The chief subject discussed in these works is the nature of the relationship between a ruler and his subjects and between divine and civil lordship.

His conception of this relationship is based on a feudal view of society, and he continually borrows ill.u.s.trations of the relationship of divine to civil lordship from the connection between feudal lord and va.s.sal. It was his application of this doctrine to questions touching temporal property that brought him under the imputation of heresy because he taught that "ecclesiastical persons or corporations had no indefeasible right to temporalities which might be taken away in case of misuse."[747] This theory cut across the doctrine of the supremacy of the spiritual power.

The State, according to Wycliffe, possessed the power of determining the function of the Church, and when the Church either extended the sphere of its legitimate operations or misused the revenues entrusted to it for spiritual purposes, then it was the duty of the State to take such action as might be necessary for the reformation of the Church.

Poole points out[748] that the main principle contained in the writings of Wycliffe is the recognition of the significance of the individual whom Wycliffe regarded as directly responsible to G.o.d, and to no one else.

Wycliffe divorced the Church from any necessary connection with the State and conceived of it simply as a spiritual idea and as consisting of individuals in a certain relation to G.o.d. It is to the uniqueness of Wycliffe's idea of individualism that Poole considers the claim of Wycliffe to rank as the "precursor of the Protestant reformation" to be due.