Decision Points Part 25

From the beginning of the war in Iraq, my conviction was that freedom is universal-and democracy in the Middle East would make the region more peaceful. There were times when that seemed unlikely. But I never lost faith that it was true.

I never lost faith in our troops, either. I was constantly amazed by their willingness to volunteer in the face of danger. In August 2007, I traveled to Reno, Nevada, to speak to the American Legion. Afterward, I met Bill and Christine Krissoff from Truckee, California. Their son, twenty-five-year-old Marine Nathan Krissoff, had given his life in Iraq. His brother, Austin, also a Marine, was at the meeting. Austin and Christine told me how much Nathan loved his job. Then Bill spoke up.

"Mr. President, I'm an orthopedic surgeon," he said. "I want to join the Navy Medical Corps in Nathan's honor."

I was moved and surprised. "How old are you?" I asked.

"I'm sixty, sir," he replied.

I was sixty-one, so sixty didn't sound that old to me. I looked at his wife. She nodded. Bill explained that he was willing to retire from his orthopedic practice in California, but he needed a special age waiver to qualify for the Navy.

"I'll see what I can do," I said.

When I got back to Washington, I told Pete Pace the story after a morning briefing. Before long, Dr. Krissoff's waiver came through. He underwent extensive training in battlefield medicine. Shortly after I left office, he deployed to Iraq, where he served alongside Austin and treated wounded Marines.

"I like to think that Austin and Iare completing Nate's unfinished task here in Iraq," he wrote. "We honor his memory by our work here." In 2010, I learned that Dr. Krissoff had returned home from Iraq-and then shipped off to Afghanistan.

Nathan Krissoff is one of the 4,229 American service members who gave their lives in Iraq during my presidency. More than 30,000 suffered wounds of war. I will always carry with me the grief their families feel. I will never forget the pride they took in their work, the inspiration they brought to others, and the difference they made in the world. Every American who served in Iraq helped to make our nation safer, gave twenty-five million people the chance to live in freedom, and changed the direction of the Middle East for generations to come. There are things we got wrong in Iraq, but that cause is eternally right.

*To prevent fraud, election officials had each voter dip a finger in purple ink.

**John answered the call to serve four times in my administration-as amba.s.sador to the United Nations, amba.s.sador to Iraq, director of national intelligence, and deputy secretary of state.

***It included J. D. Crouch, Steve's deputy and a former amba.s.sador to Romania; Meghan O'Sullivan Meghan O'Sullivan; Bill Luti Bill Luti, a retired Navy captain; Brett McGurk Brett McGurk, a former law clerk to Chief Justice William Rehnquist; Peter Feaver Peter Feaver, a Duke political science professor who had taken leave to join the administration; and two-star general Kevin Bergner.

****Led by Condi, Ryan Crocker Ryan Crocker, Brett McGurk Brett McGurk, and State Department adviser David Satterfield David Satterfield.

ust before noon on January 20, 2005, I stepped onto the Inaugural platform. From the west front of the Capitol, I looked out on the crowd of four hundred thousand that stretched back across the National Mall. Behind them I could see the Washington Monument, the Lincoln Memorial, and Arlington National Cemetery on the other side of the Potomac.

The 2005 Inauguration marked the third time I had admired that view. In 1989, I was a proud son watching his dad get sworn in. In 2001, I took the presidential oath under freezing rain and the clouds of a disputed election. I had to concentrate on each step down the Capitol stairs, which were a lot narrower than I'd expected. It took time for my senses to adjust to the flurry of sounds and sights. I stared out at the huge huddled ma.s.s of black and gray overcoats. I wondered if the sleet would make it hard to see the TelePrompTer when I gave my Inaugural Address.

Four years later, the sky was sunny and clear. The colors seemed more vibrant. And the election results had been decisive. As I walked down the blue-carpeted steps toward the stage, I was able to pick out individual faces in the crowd. I saw Joe and Jan O'Neill Jan O'Neill, along with a large contingent from Midland. I smiled at the dear friends who had introduced me to the wonderful woman at my side. One thing was for sure: As we enjoyed our burgers that night in 1977, none of us expected this.

I took my seat in the row ahead of Laura, Barbara, and Jenna. Mother and Dad, Laura's mom, and my brothers and sister sat nearby. Senator Trent Lott Trent Lott, the chairman of the Inaugural Committee, called Chief Justice William Rehnquist William Rehnquist to the podium. I stepped forward with Laura, Barbara, and Jenna. Laura held the Bible, which both Dad and I had used to take the oath. It was open to Isaiah 40:31, "But those who hope in the Lord will renew their strength. They will soar on wings like eagles; they will run and not grow weary, they will walk and not be faint." to the podium. I stepped forward with Laura, Barbara, and Jenna. Laura held the Bible, which both Dad and I had used to take the oath. It was open to Isaiah 40:31, "But those who hope in the Lord will renew their strength. They will soar on wings like eagles; they will run and not grow weary, they will walk and not be faint."

I put my left hand on the Bible and raised my right as the ailing chief justice administered the thirty-five-word oath. When I closed with "So help me G.o.d," the cannons boomed a twenty-one-gun salute. I hugged Laura and the girls, stepped back, and soaked in the moment.

Taking the oath of office for the second time. White House/Susan Sterner White House/Susan Sterner Then it was time for the speech: At this second gathering, our duties are defined not by the words I use, but by the history we have seen together. For a half century, America defended our own freedom by standing watch on distant borders. After the shipwreck of communism came years of relative quiet, years of repose, years of sabbatical-and then there came a day of fire.We have seen our vulnerability-and we have seen its deepest source. For as long as whole regions of the world simmer in resentment and tyranny-p.r.o.ne to ideologies that feed hatred and excuse murder-violence will gather, and multiply in destructive power, and cross the most defended borders, and raise a mortal threat. There is only one force of history that can break the reign of hatred and resentment, and expose the pretensions of tyrants, and reward the hopes of the decent and tolerant, and that is the force of human freedom.We are led, by events and common sense, to one conclusion: The survival of liberty in our land increasingly depends on the success of liberty in other lands. The best hope for peace in our world is the expansion of freedom in all the world....So it is the policy of the United States to seek and support the growth of democratic movements and inst.i.tutions in every nation and culture, with the ultimate goal of ending tyranny in our world.

After 9/11, I developed a strategy to protect the country that came to be known as the Bush Doctrine Bush Doctrine: First, make no distinction between the terrorists and the nations that harbor them-and hold both to account. Second, take the fight to the enemy overseas before they can attack us again here at home. Third, confront threats before they fully materialize. And fourth, advance liberty and hope as an alternative to the enemy's ideology of repression and fear.

The freedom agenda, as I called the fourth p.r.o.ng, was both idealistic and realistic. It was idealistic in that freedom is a universal gift from Almighty G.o.d. It was realistic because freedom is the most practical way to protect our country in the long run. As I said in my Second Inaugural Address, "America's vital interests and our deepest beliefs are now one."

The transformative power of freedom had been proven in places like South Korea, Germany, and Eastern Europe. For me, the most vivid example of freedom's power was my relationship with Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi Junichiro Koizumi of j.a.pan. Koizumi was one of the first world leaders to offer his support after 9/11. How ironic. Sixty years earlier, my father had fought the j.a.panese as a Navy pilot. Koizumi's father had served in the government of Imperial j.a.pan. Now their sons were working together to keep the peace. Something big had changed since World War II: By adopting a j.a.panese-style democracy, an enemy had become an ally. of j.a.pan. Koizumi was one of the first world leaders to offer his support after 9/11. How ironic. Sixty years earlier, my father had fought the j.a.panese as a Navy pilot. Koizumi's father had served in the government of Imperial j.a.pan. Now their sons were working together to keep the peace. Something big had changed since World War II: By adopting a j.a.panese-style democracy, an enemy had become an ally.

In addition to helping spread democracy, Junichiro Koizumi was a huge Elvis fan and visited Graceland. White House/Eric Draper White House/Eric Draper

Announcing the freedom agenda was one step. Implementing it was another. In some places, such as Afghanistan and Iraq, we had a unique responsibility to give the people we liberated a chance to build free societies. But these examples were the exception, not the rule. I made clear that the freedom agenda was "not primarily the task of arms." We would advance freedom by supporting fledgling democratic governments in places like the Palestinian Territories, Lebanon, Georgia, and Ukraine. We would encourage dissidents and democratic reformers suffering under repressive regimes in Iran, Syria, North Korea, and Venezuela. And we would advocate for freedom while maintaining strategic relationships with nations like Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Russia, and China.

Critics charged that the freedom agenda was a way for America to impose our values on others. But freedom is not an American value; it is a universal value. Freedom cannot be imposed; it must be chosen. And when people are given the choice, they choose freedom. At the end of World War II, there were about two dozen democracies in the world. When I took office in January 2001, there were 120.

Shortly after the 2004 election, I read The Case for Democracy The Case for Democracy by by Natan Sharansky Natan Sharansky, a dissident who spent nine years in the Soviet gulags. In the book Sharansky describes how he and his fellow prisoners were inspired by hearing leaders like Ronald Reagan Ronald Reagan speak with moral clarity and call for their freedom. speak with moral clarity and call for their freedom.

In one memorable pa.s.sage, Sharansky describes a fellow Soviet dissident who likened a tyrannical state to a soldier who constantly points a gun at a prisoner. Eventually, his arms tire and the prisoner escapes. I considered it America's responsibility to put pressure on the arms of the world's tyrants. Making that goal a central part of our foreign policy was one of my most consequential decisions as president.

The great tide of freedom that swept much of the world during the second half of the twentieth century had largely bypa.s.sed one region: the Middle East.

The UN's Arab Human Development Report, released in 2002, revealed the bleak state of the region: One in three people was illiterate. Unemployment averaged 15 percent. Less than 1 percent of the population had access to the Internet. Maternal mortality rates rivaled those of the least developed countries in the world. Economic output per capita was minuscule.

The authors of the UN report, a group of respected Arab scholars, attributed the depressing results to three deficits: a deficit in knowledge, a deficit in women's empowerment, and, most important, a deficit in freedom.

For most of the Cold War, America's priority in the Middle East was stability. Our alliances were based on anticommunism, a strategy that made sense at the time. But under the surface, resentment and anger built. Many people turned to radical clerics and mosques as a release. Amid these conditions, terrorists found fertile recruiting ground. Then nineteen terrorists born in the Middle East turned up on planes in the United States. After 9/11, I decided that the stability we had been promoting was a mirage. The focus of the freedom agenda would be the Middle East.

Six months before I took office, the Camp David peace talks between the Israelis and Palestinians Palestinians fell apart. President Clinton had worked tirelessly to bring together Israeli Prime Minister fell apart. President Clinton had worked tirelessly to bring together Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak Ehud Barak and Palestinian leader and Palestinian leader Ya.s.ser Arafat Ya.s.ser Arafat. Barak made a generous offer to turn over most of the West Bank and Gaza, two territories with majority Palestinian populations that were occupied by Israeli forces and dotted with Israeli settlements. Arafat turned him down.

Two months later, in September 2000, frustration over the failed peace accord-along with prominent Israeli leader Ariel Sharon Ariel Sharon's provocative visit to Jerusalem's Temple Mount-led to the Second Intifada. Palestinian extremists, many affiliated with the terrorist group Hamas Hamas, launched a wave of terrorist attacks against innocent civilians in Israel.

I didn't blame President Clinton for the failure at Camp David or the violence that followed. I blamed Arafat. America, Europe, and the United Nations had flooded the Palestinian Territories with development aid. A good portion of it was diverted to Arafat's bank account. He made the Forbes Forbes list of the world's wealthiest "kings, queens, and despots." Yet his people remained trapped in poverty, hopelessness, and extremism. For a n.o.bel Peace Prize recipient, he sure didn't seem very interested in peace. list of the world's wealthiest "kings, queens, and despots." Yet his people remained trapped in poverty, hopelessness, and extremism. For a n.o.bel Peace Prize recipient, he sure didn't seem very interested in peace.

The Israeli people responded to the violent onslaught the way any democracy would: They elected a leader who promised to protect them, Ariel Sharon. I first met Sharon in 1998, when Laura and I went to Israel with three fellow governors* on a trip sponsored by the Republican Jewish Coalition. on a trip sponsored by the Republican Jewish Coalition.

The visit was my first to the Holy Land. The most striking memory of the trip came when Ariel Sharon, then a minister in the cabinet of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, gave us a helicopter tour of the country. Sharon was a bull of a man, a seventy-year-old former tank commander who had served in all of Israel's wars. Shortly after the chopper lifted off, he pointed to a patch of ground below. "I fought there," he said with pride in his gruff voice. When the helicopter turned toward the West Bank, he gestured at an isolated cl.u.s.ter of homes. "I built that settlement," he said. Sharon subscribed to the Greater Israel policy, which rejected territorial concessions. He knew every inch of the land, and it didn't sound like he intended to give any of it back.

"Here our country was only nine miles wide," Sharon said at another point, referring to the distance between the 1967 borders and the sea. "We have driveways longer than that in Texas," I later joked. I was struck by Israel's vulnerability in a hostile neighborhood. Ever since President Harry Truman Harry Truman defied his secretary of state by recognizing Israel in 1948, America had been the Jewish state's best friend. I came away convinced that we had a responsibility to keep the relationship strong. defied his secretary of state by recognizing Israel in 1948, America had been the Jewish state's best friend. I came away convinced that we had a responsibility to keep the relationship strong.

A little over two years later, I called Ariel Sharon from the Oval Office to congratulate him on his election as prime minister. "Maybe, after so many years and wars in which I have partic.i.p.ated," he said, "we will have peace in the region."

On June 1, 2001, a suicide bomber killed twenty-one Israelis at the Dolphinarium nightclub in Tel Aviv. Other attacks struck Israeli buses, train stations, and shopping malls. Israeli Defense Forces targeted operations at Hamas Hamas strongholds, but innocent Palestinians-including five boys walking to school one day-were killed during the operations. strongholds, but innocent Palestinians-including five boys walking to school one day-were killed during the operations.

I was appalled by the violence and loss of life on both sides. But I refused to accept the moral equivalence between Palestinian suicide attacks on innocent civilians and Israeli military actions intended to protect their people. My views came into sharper focus after 9/11. If the United States had the right to defend itself and prevent future attacks, other democracies had those rights, too.

I spoke to Ya.s.ser Arafat Ya.s.ser Arafat three times in my first year as president. He was courteous, and I was polite in return. But I made clear we expected him to crack down on extremism. "I know these are difficult issues for you and your people," I told him in February 2001, "but the best way to settle this and start resolving the situation is to stop the violence in the region." three times in my first year as president. He was courteous, and I was polite in return. But I made clear we expected him to crack down on extremism. "I know these are difficult issues for you and your people," I told him in February 2001, "but the best way to settle this and start resolving the situation is to stop the violence in the region."

In January 2002, the Israeli navy intercepted a ship called the Karine A Karine A in the Red Sea. Aboard was an a.r.s.enal of deadly weapons. The Israelis believed the ship was headed from in the Red Sea. Aboard was an a.r.s.enal of deadly weapons. The Israelis believed the ship was headed from Iran Iran to the Palestinian city of Gaza. Arafat sent a letter pleading his innocence. "The smuggling of arms is in total contradiction of the Palestinian Authority's commitment to the peace process," he wrote. But we and the Israelis had evidence that disproved the Palestinian leader's claim. Arafat had lied to me. I never trusted him again. In fact, I never spoke to him again. By the spring of 2002, I had concluded that peace would not be possible with Arafat in power. to the Palestinian city of Gaza. Arafat sent a letter pleading his innocence. "The smuggling of arms is in total contradiction of the Palestinian Authority's commitment to the peace process," he wrote. But we and the Israelis had evidence that disproved the Palestinian leader's claim. Arafat had lied to me. I never trusted him again. In fact, I never spoke to him again. By the spring of 2002, I had concluded that peace would not be possible with Arafat in power.

"When will the pig leave Ramallah?" Crown Prince Abdullah** asked me. It was April 25, 2002. Clearly the Saudi ruler was not happy with asked me. It was April 25, 2002. Clearly the Saudi ruler was not happy with Ariel Sharon Ariel Sharon.

Ever since President Franklin Roosevelt Franklin Roosevelt met with Saudi Arabia's founder, King Abdul Aziz, aboard the USS met with Saudi Arabia's founder, King Abdul Aziz, aboard the USS Quincy Quincy in 1945, America's relationship with the kingdom had been one of our most critical. The Sunni Arab nation sits on a fifth of the world's oil and has tremendous influence among Muslims as the guardian of the holy mosques at Mecca and Medina. in 1945, America's relationship with the kingdom had been one of our most critical. The Sunni Arab nation sits on a fifth of the world's oil and has tremendous influence among Muslims as the guardian of the holy mosques at Mecca and Medina.

I had invited Crown Prince Abdullah-one of Abdul Aziz's thirty-six sons-to our ranch in Crawford as a way to strengthen our personal relationship. In antic.i.p.ation of the March 2002 Arab League summit in Beirut, the crown prince showed strong leadership by announcing a new peace plan. Under his vision, Israel would return territory to the Palestinians, who would create an independent state that rejected terror and recognized Israel's right to exist. There were many details to negotiate, but the concept was one I could support.

The evening of the Arab League summit, a Hamas Hamas suicide bomber walked into a hotel dining room filled with people celebrating Pa.s.sover in the Israeli city of Netanya. "Suddenly it was h.e.l.l," one guest said. "There was the smell of smoke and dust in my mouth and a ringing in my ears." One of the bloodiest attacks of the Second Intifada, the bombing killed 30 Israelis and wounded 140. suicide bomber walked into a hotel dining room filled with people celebrating Pa.s.sover in the Israeli city of Netanya. "Suddenly it was h.e.l.l," one guest said. "There was the smell of smoke and dust in my mouth and a ringing in my ears." One of the bloodiest attacks of the Second Intifada, the bombing killed 30 Israelis and wounded 140.

In response, Prime Minister Sharon ordered a sweeping Israeli offensive into the West Bank. Israeli forces quickly picked up hundreds of suspected militants and surrounded Ya.s.ser Arafat in his Ramallah office. Sharon announced he would build a security barrier separating Israeli communities from the Palestinians in the West Bank. The fence was widely condemned. I hoped it would provide the security Israelis needed to make hard choices for peace.

I urged Sharon privately to end the offensive, which had become counterproductive. Arafat held a TV interview by candlelight and was looking like a martyr. Sharon forged ahead. I gave a Rose Garden speech publicly calling on him to begin a withdrawal. "Enough is enough," I said. Still, Sharon wouldn't budge.

By the time Crown Prince Abdullah arrived at our ranch, his peace plan had been shelved. He was angered by the violence, furious with Sharon, and-I soon learned-frustrated with me.

The crown prince is a gentle, modest, almost shy man. He speaks softly, doesn't drink alcohol, and prays five times a day. In eight years, I never saw him without his traditional robes.

After a brief discussion, Abdullah asked for time alone with his foreign minister and amba.s.sador. A few minutes later, State Department interpreter Gamal Helal Gamal Helal came to me with a stricken look on his face. "Mr. President," he said, "I think the Saudis are getting ready to leave." came to me with a stricken look on his face. "Mr. President," he said, "I think the Saudis are getting ready to leave."

I was surprised. I thought the meeting had been going fine. But Gamal explained that the Saudis had expected me to persuade Sharon to withdraw from Ramallah before the crown prince arrived. Now they were insisting that I call the Israeli prime minister on the spot. I wasn't going to conduct diplomacy that way. I sent Colin into the living room to see what was going on. He confirmed that our guests were headed for the door. America's pivotal relationship with Saudi Arabia was about to be seriously ruptured.

I walked into the living room with Gamal and asked for a moment alone with the crown prince. I had read two interesting things about him in a background briefing. One was that he was a devout religious believer. The other was that he loved his farm.

"Your Royal Highness," I said. "I would like to discuss religion with you." I talked about my belief in Christianity and the role religion played in my life. I hoped he would reciprocate by talking about his faith. He wasn't in a sharing mood.

In a last-gasp effort, I said, "Before you leave, may I show you my ranch?" He nodded. A few minutes later, the crown prince, flowing robes and all, was climbing into a Ford F-250 pickup. Then he, Gamal, and I took off for a tour of the property. I pointed out the different kinds of hardwood trees, the native prairie gra.s.ses that Laura had planted, and the grazing cattle. The crown prince sat silently. I wasn't making much headway.

What began as a tense ride around the ranch with the Crown Prince. White House/Eric Draper White House/Eric Draper Then we reached a remote part of the property. A lone hen turkey was standing in the road. I stopped the truck. The bird stayed put.

"What is that?" the crown prince asked.

I told him it was a turkey. "Benjamin Franklin loved the turkey so much he wanted it to be America's national bird," I said.

Suddenly I felt the crown prince's hand grab my arm. "My brother," he said, "it is a sign from Allah. This is a good omen."

I've never fully understood the significance of the bird, but I felt the tension begin to melt. When we got back to the house, our aides were surprised to hear us say we were ready for lunch. The next day, I got a call from Mother and Dad. The crown prince had stopped in Houston to visit them. Mother said he had tears in his eyes as he recounted his time in Crawford and talked about what we could achieve together. For the rest of my presidency, my relationship with the crown prince-soon to be king-was extremely close. I had never seen a hen turkey on that part of the property before, and I haven't seen one since.

As I thought more about the turmoil in the Middle East, I concluded that the fundamental problem was the lack of freedom in the Palestinian Territories. With no state, Palestinians lacked their rightful place in the world. With no voice in their future, Palestinians were ripe for recruiting by extremists. And with no legitimately elected Palestinian leader committed to fighting terror, the Israelis had no reliable partner for peace. I believed the solution was a democratic Palestinian state, led by elected officials who would answer to their people, reject terror, and pursue peace with Israel.

As violence in the Holy Land escalated in the spring of 2002, I decided we needed a game-changer. I planned to outline my commitment to a Palestinian democracy with a major speech in the Rose Garden. I would be the first president to publicly call for a Palestinian state as a matter of policy. I hoped setting forward a bold vision would help both sides make the hard choices necessary for peace.

The idea sparked controversy, starting in my administration. While Condi and Steve Hadley Steve Hadley supported it, supported it, d.i.c.k Cheney d.i.c.k Cheney, Don Rumsfeld, and Colin Powell Colin Powell all told me I shouldn't give the speech. d.i.c.k and Don were concerned that supporting a Palestinian state in the midst of an intifada would look like rewarding terrorism. Colin worried that calling for new Palestinian leadership would embarra.s.s Arafat and reduce the chance for a negotiated settlement. all told me I shouldn't give the speech. d.i.c.k and Don were concerned that supporting a Palestinian state in the midst of an intifada would look like rewarding terrorism. Colin worried that calling for new Palestinian leadership would embarra.s.s Arafat and reduce the chance for a negotiated settlement.

I understood the risks, but I was convinced that a democratic Palestinian state and a new Palestinian leadership were the only way to forge a lasting peace. "My vision is two states, living side by side in peace and security," I said in the Rose Garden on June 24, 2002. "There is simply no way to achieve that peace until all parties fight terror. I call on the Palestinian people to elect new leaders, leaders not compromised by terror. I call upon them to build a practicing democracy, based on tolerance and liberty. If the Palestinian people actively pursue these goals, America and the world will actively support their efforts."

My support for a Palestinian state was overwhelmed by my call for new leadership. "Bush Demands Arafat's Ouster," one headline read. Shortly after the speech, Mother called. "How's the first Jewish president doing?" she asked. I had a funny feeling she disagreed with my policy. That meant Dad probably did as well. I wasn't surprised. While I considered Arafat a failed leader, many in the foreign policy world accepted the view that Arafat represented the best hope for peace. I laughed off Mother's wisecrack, but I took her message to heart: I was in for some serious opposition.

The day after the speech, I flew to Kananaskis, Canada, for the annual G-8 meeting. The summit was supposed to focus on foreign aid, but my speech on the Middle East was on everyone's mind. I ran into Tony Blair Tony Blair in the gym the morning before the first meeting. "You've really kicked up quite a storm, George," he said with a smile. in the gym the morning before the first meeting. "You've really kicked up quite a storm, George," he said with a smile.

Others were less accepting. Jacques Chirac Jacques Chirac, European Commission President Romano Prodi Romano Prodi, and Canadian Prime Minister Jean Chretien Jean Chretien clearly disapproved. By rejecting Arafat, the heralded n.o.bel Peace Prize winner, I had upended their worldview. I told them I was convinced Arafat would never prove a reliable partner for peace. clearly disapproved. By rejecting Arafat, the heralded n.o.bel Peace Prize winner, I had upended their worldview. I told them I was convinced Arafat would never prove a reliable partner for peace.

Colin took the lead in hammering out a detailed plan to move from my speech to a Palestinian state. Called the Roadmap, it included three phases: First, Palestinians would stop terrorist attacks, fight corruption, reform their political system, and hold democratic elections. In return, Israel would withdraw from unauthorized settlements. In the second phase, the two sides would begin direct negotiations, leading to the creation of a provisional Palestinian state. In the third phase, the Palestinians and Palestinians and Israelis would resolve the most complicated issues, including the status of Jerusalem, the rights of Palestinian refugees, and permanent borders. Arab nations would support the negotiations and establish normal relations with Israel. Israelis would resolve the most complicated issues, including the status of Jerusalem, the rights of Palestinian refugees, and permanent borders. Arab nations would support the negotiations and establish normal relations with Israel.

With Tony Blair Tony Blair's encouragement, I decided to announce the Roadmap in the spring of 2003, shortly after we removed Saddam Hussein from Iraq. Both the Israelis and Palestinians supported the plan. In early June, I met with Arab leaders in Sharm el Sheikh, Egypt, to stress my commitment to peace and urge them to stay engaged in the process. Then I traveled to Aqaba, Jordan, for a session with Palestinian and Israeli representatives.

Given all the recent bloodshed, I expected a tense session. To my surprise, the mood was friendly and relaxed. It was clear many leaders knew one another from previous peace efforts. But I knew there was a lot of history to overcome. Mohammad Dahlan Mohammad Dahlan, the Palestinian security chief, liked to remind people where he had learned to speak fluent Hebrew: in the Israeli jails.

The Palestinians had taken an important step by naming a prime minister to represent them at the summit, Mahmoud Abbas Mahmoud Abbas. Abbas was a friendly man who seemed to genuinely want peace. He was a little unsure of himself, partly because he hadn't been elected and partly because he was trying to emerge from Arafat's shadow. He said he was willing to confront the terrorists. But before he could turn his words into action, he needed money and reliable security forces.

After the formal meetings, I invited Sharon and Abbas to take a walk on the lawn. Under the palm trees, I told them we had a historic opportunity for peace. Ariel Sharon Ariel Sharon made clear-at Aqaba and later in his landmark Herzliya speech-that he had abandoned the Greater Israel policy, an enormous breakthrough. "It is in Israel's interest not to govern the Palestinians, but for the Palestinians to govern themselves in their own state," he said at Aqaba. Abbas declared, "The armed intifada must end and we must use and resort to peaceful means in our quest to end the occupation and the suffering of Palestinians and Israelis." We had a long way to go, but it was a hopeful moment in the Middle East. made clear-at Aqaba and later in his landmark Herzliya speech-that he had abandoned the Greater Israel policy, an enormous breakthrough. "It is in Israel's interest not to govern the Palestinians, but for the Palestinians to govern themselves in their own state," he said at Aqaba. Abbas declared, "The armed intifada must end and we must use and resort to peaceful means in our quest to end the occupation and the suffering of Palestinians and Israelis." We had a long way to go, but it was a hopeful moment in the Middle East.

With Ariel Sharon (left) and Mahmoud Abbas in Aqaba, Jordan. White House/Eric Draper White House/Eric Draper

In April 2004, Ariel Sharon came to Washington to brief me on a historic decision: He planned to withdraw from Israel's settlements in Gaza and parts of the northern West Bank. As a father of the settlement movement, it would be agonizing for him to tell Israeli families they had to leave their homes. But his bold move achieved two important goals: It extricated Israel from the costly occupation of Gaza. And by returning territory to Palestinian control, it served as a down payment on a future state.

I was hopeful that Abbas would match Sharon's tough decision with a positive step. But in September 2003, Prime Minister Abbas resigned after Arafat undermined him at every turn. Just over a year later, Arafat died. In January 2005, Palestinian voters went to the polls for the first time in a decade. Abbas campaigned on a platform to halt violence and resume progress toward a Palestinian state. He was elected in a landslide. He set to work developing the inst.i.tutions of a democratic state and called for legislative elections.

Abbas's party, Fatah, was still tainted with the corruption of the Arafat era. The main alternative was Hamas Hamas, a terrorist organization that also had a well-organized political apparatus. The prospect of a Hamas victory understandably unnerved the Israelis.

I supported the elections. America could not be in the position of endorsing elections only when we liked the projected outcome. I knew the election would be just one step on the journey to democracy. Whoever won would inherit the responsibilities of governing-building roads and schools, enforcing the rule of law, and developing the inst.i.tutions of a civil society. If they performed well, they would be reelected. If not, the people would have a chance to change their minds. Whatever the outcome, free and fair elections reveal the truth.

On January 25, 2006, the truth was that Palestinians were tired of Fatah's corruption. Hamas won 74 of 132 seats. Some interpreted the results as a setback for peace. I wasn't so sure. Hamas had run on a platform of clean government and efficient public services, not war with Israel.

Hamas also benefited from Fatah's poorly run campaign. Fatah often ran multiple candidates for the same seat, which split the party vote. The election made clear that Fatah had to modernize its party. It also forced a decision within Hamas: Would it fulfill its promise to govern as a legitimate party, or would it revert to violence?

In March 2006, voters went to the polls for another election. This one was in Israel. Two months earlier, Ariel Sharon Ariel Sharon had suffered a debilitating stroke. I've always wondered what might have been possible if Ariel had continued to serve. He had established his credibility on security, he had the trust of the Israeli people, and I believe he could have been part of a historic peace. had suffered a debilitating stroke. I've always wondered what might have been possible if Ariel had continued to serve. He had established his credibility on security, he had the trust of the Israeli people, and I believe he could have been part of a historic peace.

The vote for a new prime minister would be a test of Israeli commitment to the two-state solution. Deputy Prime Minister Ehud Olmert Ehud Olmert campaigned hard in support of it. I had met Ehud on my 1998 trip to Israel, when he was mayor of Jerusalem. He was easygoing and confident, with a gregarious manner and a ready laugh. "The only solution now is two states-one Jewish, one Palestinian," he said during the campaign. At one point, he suggested he would create a Palestinian state unilaterally if necessary. Israeli voters rewarded him at the polls. campaigned hard in support of it. I had met Ehud on my 1998 trip to Israel, when he was mayor of Jerusalem. He was easygoing and confident, with a gregarious manner and a ready laugh. "The only solution now is two states-one Jewish, one Palestinian," he said during the campaign. At one point, he suggested he would create a Palestinian state unilaterally if necessary. Israeli voters rewarded him at the polls.

Olmert and Abbas, who retained the presidency despite Hamas's victory in the legislative elections, quickly developed a working relationship. They found agreement on issues such as security checkpoints and the release of some prisoners. Then, in June 2007, the militant wing of Hamas intervened. In a familiar pattern in the ideological struggle, the extremists responded to the advance of freedom with violence. Hamas terrorists backed by Iran Iran and and Syria Syria mounted a coup and seized control of Gaza. Fighters in black masks ransacked Fatah headquarters, threw party leaders off rooftops, and targeted moderate members of Hamas's political wing. mounted a coup and seized control of Gaza. Fighters in black masks ransacked Fatah headquarters, threw party leaders off rooftops, and targeted moderate members of Hamas's political wing.

President Abbas responded by expelling Hamas from his cabinet and consolidating his authority on the West Bank. "It's basically a coup d'etat against democracy itself," Abbas told me on the phone. "Syria and Iran are trying to set the Middle East ablaze." We redirected our economic and security a.s.sistance to Abbas's government in the West Bank and supported an Israeli naval blockade of Gaza. While we sent humanitarian aid to prevent starvation, the people of Gaza would see a vivid contrast between their living conditions under Hamas and those under the democratic leader, Abbas. Over time, I was confident they would demand change.

Condi and I talked about a way to restart momentum for a democratic Palestinian state. She suggested an international conference to lay the groundwork for negotiations between Abbas's government and the Israelis. At first I was skeptical. The aftermath of a terrorist coup didn't seem the most opportune time for a peace summit. But I came to like the idea. If wavering Palestinians could see that a state was a realistic possibility, they would have an incentive to reject violence and support reform.

We scheduled the conference for November 2007 at the U.S. Naval Academy in Annapolis, Maryland. Condi and I persuaded fifteen Arab nations to send delegations, including Saudi Arabia. Investing Arab partners in the process early would boost Palestinians' confidence and make it harder for them to later reject a peace deal, as Arafat had at Camp David.