Decision Points Part 22

His visit was scheduled for the morning I announced MCA, March 14, 2002. Josh gave me a quick briefing on the issues likely to come up. Ever meticulous, he had one last question before showing our guest into the Oval Office. "Mr. President, you do know who Bono is, right?"

"Of course," I said. "He's a rock star." Josh nodded and turned toward the door. "Used to be married to Cher, didn't he?" I said. Josh wheeled around in disbelief. I kept a straight face for as long as I could.

Bono bounded into the Oval Office with his high-voltage personality and signature shades. He quickly dispelled the notion that he was a self-promoter. He knew our budgets, understood the facts, and had well-informed views about the challenges in Africa. He brought me a thoughtful gift, an old Irish Bible.

With Bono in the Oval Office. White House/Paul Morse White House/Paul Morse "Do you know that 2,003 verses of Scripture pertain directly to the world's poor?" he asked. "People are quick to point out the obvious sins like marital infidelity," he continued. "But sometimes we ignore the most serious ones. The only place the Bible speaks directly of judgment is in Matthew 25: 'Whatever you did for one of the least of these brothers of mine, you did for me.'"

"You're right," I said. "The sin of omission is just as serious as the others." I was pleased when he expressed his strong support for MCA, which he believed would revolutionize the way the world pursued development. I listened carefully as he urged me to do more on HIV/AIDS. "With a few pills you can save millions of lives. It would be the best possible advertis.e.m.e.nt for the United States. You ought to paint the things red, white, and blue."

After our meeting, Bono joined me and Cardinal Theodore McCarrick Theodore McCarrick, a gentle, spirit-filled man, for the limo ride to the speech at the Inter-American Development Bank. Bono partic.i.p.ated in the event and praised our policy. I later learned that one of his major funders, ultra-liberal investor George Soros George Soros, had excoriated Bono for joining me at the MCA event without getting more in return. "You've sold out for a plate of lentils," Soros told Bono.

My respect for Bono grew over time. He was warm to Laura and the girls. He frequently sent notes of thanks. He is a man of genuine faith. Bono could be edgy, but never in a cynical or political way. When PEPFAR got off to a slow start, he came to see me in the Oval Office. "You're the measurable results guy," he said, "so where are the results?" I would have told him, but he wouldn't let me get a word in edgewise. Once the program was up and running, he came back. "I'm sorry I doubted you," he said. "By the way, do you know the U.S. government is now the world's largest purchaser of condoms?"

I laughed. Bono had a big heart and a sharp needle. His only motive was his pa.s.sion for the cause we shared. Laura, Barbara, Jenna, and I consider him a friend.

Not everybody agreed with Bono. Three months after I announced the MCA, I went to the G-8 summit in Kananaskis, Canada. Prime Minister Jean Chretien Jean Chretien raised the topic of raised the topic of foreign aid foreign aid. I was one of the first to speak. I talked about the results-oriented principles of MCA, a stark departure from the G-8's tradition of measuring generosity by the percentage of GDP a nation spent on foreign aid.

When I finished, Jacques Chirac leaned over and patted my arm. "George, you are so unilateralist," he said. Then he unleashed. "How can America insist on tying aid to anti-corruption? After all, the free world created corruption!" He made it clear he thought I didn't understand the African culture.

It was my first Chirac drive-by. I was not amused. He seemed to be willing to condemn people in the developing world to the status quo of corruption, poverty, and bad governance all because he felt guilty about what nations like France had done in the colonial era.

When the lecture concluded, I raised my hand. Chretien shook his head. He wanted to give other leaders a chance to speak. But I couldn't let Chirac's statement stand. I b.u.t.ted back in: "America did not colonize African nations. America did not create corruption. And America is tired of seeing good money stolen while people continue to suffer. Yes, we are changing our policy, whether you like it or not."

Chirac had vented. So had I. Most of the other leaders looked shocked. My friend Prime Minister Koizumi of j.a.pan flashed a slight smile and gave me a subtle nod of approval.

Over the next six years, the MCA invested $6.7 billion of seed money with thirty-five partner countries. Lesotho Lesotho used its MCA compact to upgrade its water supply. used its MCA compact to upgrade its water supply. Burkina Faso Burkina Faso created a reliable system of property rights. Projects like these were catalysts for countries to develop markets that foster private-sector growth, attract foreign capital, and facilitate trade, which was another cornerstone of my development agenda. Free and fair trade benefits the United States by creating new buyers for our products, along with more choices and better prices for our consumers. Trade is also the surest way to help people in the developing world grow their economies and lift themselves out of poverty. According to one study, the benefits of trade are forty times more effective in reducing poverty than foreign aid. created a reliable system of property rights. Projects like these were catalysts for countries to develop markets that foster private-sector growth, attract foreign capital, and facilitate trade, which was another cornerstone of my development agenda. Free and fair trade benefits the United States by creating new buyers for our products, along with more choices and better prices for our consumers. Trade is also the surest way to help people in the developing world grow their economies and lift themselves out of poverty. According to one study, the benefits of trade are forty times more effective in reducing poverty than foreign aid.

When I took office, America had free trade agreements in place with three countries: Canada, Mexico, and Israel. By the time I left, we had agreements with seventeen, including developing countries such as Jordan, Morocco, Oman, and the young democracies of Central America. To further boost African economies, we worked with G-8 partners to cancel more than $34 billion in debt from poor African countries. The initiative built on the substantial debt relief debt relief President Clinton had secured. A report by President Clinton had secured. A report by Bono Bono's DATA organization concluded that debt relief has allowed African nations to send forty-two million more children to school.

One vital economic initiative was the African African Growth and Opportunity Act, which eliminated tariffs on most African exports to the United States. President Clinton signed AGOA; I worked with Congress to expand it. And I saw its impact firsthand when I met entrepreneurs in Growth and Opportunity Act, which eliminated tariffs on most African exports to the United States. President Clinton signed AGOA; I worked with Congress to expand it. And I saw its impact firsthand when I met entrepreneurs in Ghana Ghana who exported their products to the United States. One woman had started a business called who exported their products to the United States. One woman had started a business called Global Mamas Global Mamas. She specialized in helping women artisans find new markets to sell goods such as soaps, baskets, and jewelry. In five years, her company had grown from seven employees to about three hundred. A dressmaker named Esther told me, "I'm helping other women, and I'm helping my family, too."

In February 2008, Laura and I returned to sub-Saharan Africa. The trip was my second and her fifth. We viewed the visit as a chance to showcase some of Africa's best leaders, who were serving their people with integrity and tackling problems like poverty, corruption, and disease. Their good example stood in stark contrast to the African leader dominating the headlines, Robert Mugabe Robert Mugabe of of Zimbabwe Zimbabwe. Mugabe had stifled democracy, subjected his people to hyperinflation, and turned the country from a net food exporter to a net importer. His disgraceful record was proof that one man could ruin a country. I wanted to show the world that good leadership could help a country reach its potential.

Laura and I made five stops on the trip.*** At each, we saw inspiring examples of our new partnerships with Africa. I met schoolchildren in Benin and Liberia who had textbooks, thanks to our Africa Education Initiative. In Rwanda, I signed a bilateral investment treaty that would increase access to financing for Rwandan entrepreneurs. In Ghana, I announced a new initiative to fight neglected tropical diseases like hookworm and snail fever. At each, we saw inspiring examples of our new partnerships with Africa. I met schoolchildren in Benin and Liberia who had textbooks, thanks to our Africa Education Initiative. In Rwanda, I signed a bilateral investment treaty that would increase access to financing for Rwandan entrepreneurs. In Ghana, I announced a new initiative to fight neglected tropical diseases like hookworm and snail fever.

Our longest visit was to Tanzania, a nation of forty-two million people on Africa's east coast. Under the leadership of President Jakaya Kikwete, Tanzania partic.i.p.ated in PEPFAR, the Malaria Initiative, and MCA. As Air Force One descended toward Dar es Salaam, I was told I might see a group of Tanzanian women wearing dresses with my photo printed on the cloth. As I walked down the steps of the plane, a cl.u.s.ter of women danced to the festive beat of drums and horns. As one rotated to the music, I saw my photo stretched across her backside.

An interesting fashion statement in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. For some reason these didn't catch on back home. White House/Chris Greenberg White House/Chris Greenberg Like many sub-Saharan African countries, Tanzania's economy was weakened by the AIDS crisis. President Kikwete was pa.s.sionate about the fight against disease. He and his wife, Salma, had taken an AIDS test on national television to set a good example for the Tanzanian people. Even more impressive, the Kikwetes adopted an orphan whose parents had died of AIDS.

President Kikwete took us to an HIV/AIDS clinic at the Amana District Hospital, which had opened in 2004 with support from PEPFAR. As the director of the hospital showed us around, Laura and I saw a girl sitting on a bench in the courtyard with her grandmother. She was nine years old and HIV-positive. She had received the virus from her mother, who had died. AIDS had taken her father, too. Yet the little girl was smiling. Her grandmother explained that Catholic Relief Services had been paying for the girl to receive treatment at the PEPFAR clinic. "As a Muslim," the elderly woman said, "I never imagined that a Catholic group would help me like that. I am so grateful to the American people."

At a news conference, I reiterated my call for Congress to reauthorize and expand PEPFAR. President Kikwete jumped in: "If this program is discontinued or disrupted, there would be so many people who will lose hope; certainly there will be death. My pa.s.sionate appeal is for PEPFAR to continue." An American reporter asked him if Tanzanians were excited about the prospect of Barack Obama Barack Obama becoming president. Kikwete's reply warmed my heart. "For us," he said, "the most important thing is, let him be as good a friend of Africa as President Bush has been." becoming president. Kikwete's reply warmed my heart. "For us," he said, "the most important thing is, let him be as good a friend of Africa as President Bush has been."

As we were flying back to Washington, Laura and I agreed the trip had been the best of the presidency. There was a new and palpable sense of energy and hope across Africa. The outpouring of love for America was overwhelming. Every time I hear an American politician or commentator talk about our country's poor image in the world, I think about the tens of thousands of Africans who lined the roadsides to wave at our motorcade and express their grat.i.tude to the United States.

By the time I left office in January 2009, PEPFAR had supported treatment for 2.1 million people and care for more than 10 million people. American taxpayer dollars had helped protect mothers and babies during more than 16 million pregnancies. More than 57 million people had benefited from AIDS testing and counseling sessions.

The results of the Malaria Initiative Malaria Initiative were equally encouraging. Through the distribution of insecticide-treated bed nets, indoor spraying, and the delivery of medicine for infected and pregnant mothers, the Malaria Initiative helped protect twenty-five million people from unnecessary death. Several countries, including Ethiopia, were equally encouraging. Through the distribution of insecticide-treated bed nets, indoor spraying, and the delivery of medicine for infected and pregnant mothers, the Malaria Initiative helped protect twenty-five million people from unnecessary death. Several countries, including Ethiopia, Rwanda Rwanda, Tanzania, and Zambia, were ahead of schedule in meeting the goal of cutting malaria infection rates by more than 50 percent.

Pa.s.sing out bed nets to mothers in Arusha, Tanzania, as part of our malaria initiative. White House/Eric Draper White House/Eric Draper Africa's needs remain tremendous. There are still more than twenty-two million people living with AIDS. Some who need antiretroviral drugs still go without. While malaria is in retreat, there are still children dying needlessly from mosquito bites. Poverty remains rampant. Infrastructure is lacking. And there are pockets of terrorism and brutality.

While these challenges are daunting, the African people have strong partners at their side. The United States, the G-8, the UN, the faith-based community, and the private sector are all far more engaged than ever before. The health infrastructure put in place as part of PEPFAR and the Malaria Initiative will bring wide-ranging benefits in other areas of African life.

Perhaps the most important change in recent years is in the way Africans see themselves. Just as AIDS is no longer viewed as a death sentence, the African people have newfound optimism that they can overcome their problems, reclaim their dignity, and go forward with hope.

On our trip to Rwanda in 2008, Laura and I visited a school where teenagers-many of them orphans-were taught about HIV/AIDS prevention. One lesson focused on showing girls how to reject the advances of older men, part of the abstinence component of PEPFAR.

As I walked by a cl.u.s.ter of students, I said, "G.o.d is good." They shouted back in unison, "All the time!"

Here in Rwanda, a country that had lost hundreds of thousands to genocide and AIDS, these children felt blessed. Surely those of us in comfortable places like America could learn a lesson. I decided to say it again.

"G.o.d is good."

The chorus responded even louder, "All the time!"

*The team included Dr. Tony Fauci Tony Fauci, the longtime director of the National Inst.i.tute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, and his a.s.sistant director, Dr. Mark Dybul Mark Dybul; Gary Edson Gary Edson, my deputy national security adviser and top staffer on international development; Jay Lefkowitz Jay Lefkowitz, my deputy domestic policy director; Robin Cleveland Robin Cleveland from the Office of Management and Budget; from the Office of Management and Budget; Kristen Silverberg Kristen Silverberg, one of Josh's deputies; and, later, Dr. Joe O'Neill Dr. Joe O'Neill, the director of national AIDS policy.

**Botswana, Cote d'Ivoire, Ethiopia, Guyana, Haiti, Kenya, Mozambique, Namibia, Nigeria, Rwanda, South Africa, Tanzania, Uganda, and Zambia. At Congress's request, we later added one Asian nation to PEPFAR, Vietnam.

***We visited Benin, led by Yayi Boni Yayi Boni; Tanzania Tanzania, led by Jakaya Kikwete Jakaya Kikwete; Rwanda, led by Paul Kagame Paul Kagame; Ghana, led by John Kufuor John Kufuor; and Liberia, led by Ellen Johnson Sirleaf Ellen Johnson Sirleaf.

n September 2006, with the midterm elections approaching, my friend Mitch McConnell Mitch McConnell came to the Oval Office. The senior senator from Kentucky and Republican whip had asked to see me alone. Mitch has a sharp political nose, and he smelled trouble. came to the Oval Office. The senior senator from Kentucky and Republican whip had asked to see me alone. Mitch has a sharp political nose, and he smelled trouble.

"Mr. President," he said, "your unpopularity is going to cost us control of the Congress."

Mitch had a point. Many Americans were tired of my presidency. But that wasn't the only reason our party was in trouble. I flashed back to the Republican congressmen sent to jail for taking bribes, disgraced by s.e.x scandals, or implicated in lobbying investigations. Then there was the wasteful spending, the earmarks for pork-barrel projects, and our failure to reform Social Security despite majorities in both houses of Congress.

"Well, Mitch," I asked, "what do you want me to do about it?"

"Mr. President," he said, "bring some troops home from Iraq."

He was not alone. As violence in Iraq escalated, members of both parties had called for a pullout.

"Mitch," I said, "I believe our presence in Iraq is necessary to protect America, and I will not withdraw troops unless military conditions warrant." I made it clear I would set troop levels to achieve victory in Iraq, not victory at the polls.

What I did not tell him was that I was seriously considering the opposite of his recommendation. Rather than pull troops out, I was on the verge of making the toughest and most unpopular decision of my presidency: deploying tens of thousands more troops into Iraq with a new strategy, a new commander, and a mission to protect the Iraqi people and help enable the rise of a democracy in the heart of the Middle East.

The pessimism of September 2006 came in contrast to the hope so many felt after the liberation of Iraq. In the year after our troops entered the country, we toppled Saddam's regime, captured the dictator, rebuilt schools and health clinics, and formed a Governing Council representing all major ethnic and sectarian groups. While the lawlessness and violence exceeded our expectations, most Iraqis seemed determined to build a free society. On March 8, 2004, the Governing Council reached agreement on the Transitional Administrative Law. This landmark doc.u.ment called for a return of sovereignty in June, followed by elections for a national a.s.sembly, the drafting of a const.i.tution, and another round of elections to choose a democratic government.

For almost three years, this road map guided our strategy. We believed that helping the Iraqis meet those milestones was the best way to show Shia, Sunnis, and Kurds they had a stake in a free and peaceful country. Once Iraqis were invested in the democratic process, we hoped they would resolve disputes at the ballot box, thereby marginalizing the enemies of a free Iraq. In short, we believed political progress was the path to security-and, ultimately, the path home.

Our military strategy focused on pursuing the extremists while training the Iraqi security forces. Over time, we would move toward a smaller military footprint, countering the perception that we were occupiers and boosting the legitimacy of Iraq's leaders. I summed up the strategy: "As the Iraqis stand up, we will stand down." Don Rumsfeld had a more memorable a.n.a.logy: "We have to take our hand off the bicycle seat."

I had studied the histories of postwar Germany, j.a.pan, and South Korea. Each had required many years-and a U.S. troop presence-to complete the transition from the devastation of war to stable democracies. But once they did, their transformative impact proved worth the costs. West Germany emerged as the engine of European prosperity and a vital beacon of freedom during the Cold War. j.a.pan grew into the world's second-largest economy and the lynchpin of security in the Pacific. South Korea became one of our largest trading partners and a strategic bulwark against its neighbor to the north.

All three countries benefited from relatively h.o.m.ogenous populations and peaceful postwar environments. In Iraq, the journey would be more difficult. Iraq had been plagued by ethnic and sectarian tensions ever since the British created the country from the vestiges of the Ottoman Empire. The fear and distrust bred by Saddam Hussein made it hard for Iraqis to reconcile. So did the brutal attacks carried out by extremists.

Despite the violence, there was hope. Iraq had a young, educated population, a vibrant culture, and functioning government inst.i.tutions. It had strong economic potential thanks in part to its natural resources. And its citizens were making sacrifices to overcome the insurgents and live in freedom. With time and steadfast American support, I had confidence that democracy in Iraq would succeed.

That confidence was tested daily. Every morning, I received an overnight summary from the Situation Room printed on a blue sheet of paper. One section of the report listed the number, place, and cause of American casualties in Afghanistan and Iraq.

The toll mounted over time. America lost 52 troops in Iraq in March 2004. We lost 135 in April, 80 in May, 42 in June, 54 in July, 66 in August, 80 in September, 64 in October, and 137 in November, when our troops launched a major a.s.sault on insurgents in Fallujah.

The growing number of deaths filled me with anguish. When I received a blue sheet, I would circle the casualty figure with my pen, pause, and reflect on each individual loss. I comforted family members of the fallen as often as I could. In August 2005, I flew to Idaho for an event honoring the contributions of the National Guard and Reserves. Afterward, I met with Dawn Rowe, who had lost her husband, Alan, in September 2004. Dawn introduced me to her children, six-year-old Blake and four-year-old Caitlin. Even though it had been almost a year since Alan's death, their grief was overwhelming. "My husband loved being a Marine," Dawn told me. "If he had to do it all again, knowing he would die, he would." I made her a promise: Alan's sacrifice would not be in vain.

Over the course of my presidency I met roughly 550 families of the fallen. The meetings were both the most painful and most uplifting part of serving as commander in chief. The vast majority of those I met were like the Rowes: devastated by their loss, but proud of their family member's service. A few families lashed out. When I visited Fort Lewis in Washington State in June 2004, I met a mother who had lost her son in Iraq. She was visibly upset. I tried to put her at ease.

"You are as big a terrorist as Osama bin Laden Osama bin Laden," she said.

There wasn't much to say in response. She had lost her son; she had the right to speak her mind to the man who had sent him into battle. I was sorry her grief had created such bitterness. If expressing her anger helped ease her pain, that was fine with me.

That same day, I met Patrick and Cindy Sheehan Cindy Sheehan of Vacaville, California. Their fallen son, Specialist Casey Sheehan, had volunteered for his final mission, a courageous attempt to rescue a team of fellow soldiers pinned down in Sadr City. After the meeting, Cindy shared her impressions of me with a Vacaville newspaper: "I now know he's sincere about wanting freedom for the Iraqis....I know he's sorry and feels some pain for our loss. And I know he's a man of faith." of Vacaville, California. Their fallen son, Specialist Casey Sheehan, had volunteered for his final mission, a courageous attempt to rescue a team of fellow soldiers pinned down in Sadr City. After the meeting, Cindy shared her impressions of me with a Vacaville newspaper: "I now know he's sincere about wanting freedom for the Iraqis....I know he's sorry and feels some pain for our loss. And I know he's a man of faith."

By the following summer, Cindy Sheehan had become an antiwar activist. Over time, her rhetoric grew harsher and more extreme. She became the spokesperson for the antiwar organization Code Pink, spoke out against Israel, advocated for anti-American dictator Hugo Chavez Hugo Chavez of Venezuela, and eventually ran for Congress against Speaker of Venezuela, and eventually ran for Congress against Speaker Nancy Pelosi Nancy Pelosi. I feel sympathy for Cindy Sheehan. She is a mother who clearly loved her son. The grief caused by his loss was so profound that it consumed her life. My hope is that one day she and all the families of our fallen troops will be comforted to see a free Iraq and a more peaceful world as a fitting memorial to the sacrifice of their loved ones.

When al Qaeda al Qaeda lost its safe haven in Afghanistan, the terrorists went searching for a new one. After we removed Saddam in 2003, bin Laden exhorted his fighters to support the jihad in Iraq. In many ways, Iraq was more desirable for them than Afghanistan. It had oil riches and Arab roots. Over time, the number of extremists affiliated with al Qaeda in Afghanistan declined to the low hundreds, while the estimated number in Iraq topped ten thousand. lost its safe haven in Afghanistan, the terrorists went searching for a new one. After we removed Saddam in 2003, bin Laden exhorted his fighters to support the jihad in Iraq. In many ways, Iraq was more desirable for them than Afghanistan. It had oil riches and Arab roots. Over time, the number of extremists affiliated with al Qaeda in Afghanistan declined to the low hundreds, while the estimated number in Iraq topped ten thousand.

There were other extremists in Iraq: former Baathists, Sunni insurgents, and Shia extremists backed by Iran. But none were more ruthless than al Qaeda. Critics argued the al Qaeda presence proved we had stirred up terrorists by liberating Iraq. I never accepted that logic. AlQaeda was plenty stirred up on 9/11, when there wasn't a single American soldier in Iraq. Did anyone really believe that the men sawing off the heads of innocent captives or blowing themselves up in markets would have been peaceful citizens if only we had left Saddam Hussein alone? If these fanatics had not been trying to kill Americans in Iraq, they would have been trying to do it elsewhere. And if we were to let them drive us out of Iraq, they would not have been satisfied to stop there. They would have followed us home.

For all the lives they stole, our enemies failed to stop us from achieving a single one of our strategic objectives in Iraq. In spring 2004, the terrorist Zarqawi-whom Osama bin Laden Osama bin Laden later designated "the prince of alQaeda in Iraq"-threatened to disrupt the transfer of sovereignty, scheduled for June 30. In May, a suicide bomber a.s.sa.s.sinated the president of the Governing Council, later designated "the prince of alQaeda in Iraq"-threatened to disrupt the transfer of sovereignty, scheduled for June 30. In May, a suicide bomber a.s.sa.s.sinated the president of the Governing Council, Izzedine Salim Izzedine Salim. A few weeks later, coordinated attacks on Iraqi police and government buildings killed more than one hundred, including three American troops. To disrupt plans for more major attacks, we decided to execute the handover two days ahead of schedule.

I was at the NATO Summit in Istanbul on June 28 when I felt Don Rumsfeld's hand reach over my shoulder. He slipped me a sc.r.a.p of paper with Condi's handwriting: "Mr. President, Iraq is sovereign. Letter was pa.s.sed from Bremer at 10:26 a.m., Iraqi time."

Receiving the news that Iraq is sovereign. White House/Eric Draper White House/Eric Draper I scrawled on the note, "Let freedom reign!" Then I shook hands with the leader on my right. In a fitting twist of history, I shared the moment with a man who had never wavered in his commitment to a free Iraq, Tony Blair Tony Blair.

The note from Condi. White House/Eric Draper White House/Eric Draper

Sharing the moment with my strongest ally. White House/Eric Draper White House/Eric Draper

Seven months later, in January 2005, Iraqis reached the next milestone: elections to choose an interim national a.s.sembly. Again, the terrorists mounted a campaign to stop the progress. Zarqawi declared "an all-out war on this evil principle of democracy" and pledged to kill any Iraqi involved in the election.

Back home, pressure mounted. One op-ed in the Los Angeles Times Los Angeles Times called the election a "sham" and proposed postponing it. I believed delay would embolden the enemy and cause the Iraqis to question our commitment to democracy. Holding the vote would show faith in the Iraqis and expose the insurgents as enemies of freedom. "The elections have to go forward," I told the national security team. "This will be a moment of clarity for the world." called the election a "sham" and proposed postponing it. I believed delay would embolden the enemy and cause the Iraqis to question our commitment to democracy. Holding the vote would show faith in the Iraqis and expose the insurgents as enemies of freedom. "The elections have to go forward," I told the national security team. "This will be a moment of clarity for the world."

At 5:51 a.m. on January 30, 2005, I called the duty officer in the Situation Room to get the first readout. He told me our emba.s.sy in Baghdad was reporting a large turnout-despite a boycott by many Sunnis. While terrorists pulled off some attacks, broadcasts around the world showed Iraqis waving their ink-stained fingers* in the air with joy. One reporter witnessed a ninety-year-old woman being pushed to the polls in a wheelbarrow. Another news account described a voter who had lost a leg in a terrorist attack. "I would have crawled here if I had to," he said. "Today I am voting for peace." in the air with joy. One reporter witnessed a ninety-year-old woman being pushed to the polls in a wheelbarrow. Another news account described a voter who had lost a leg in a terrorist attack. "I would have crawled here if I had to," he said. "Today I am voting for peace."

The elections produced a national a.s.sembly, which named a committee to draft the const.i.tution. In August, the Iraqis reached agreement on the most progressive const.i.tution in the Arab world-a doc.u.ment that guaranteed equal rights for all and protected the freedoms of religion, a.s.sembly, and expression. When the voters went to the polls on October 15, the turnout was even larger than it was in January. Violence was lower. More Sunnis voted. The const.i.tution was ratified 79 percent to 21 percent.

The third election of the year, held in December, was to replace the interim a.s.sembly with a permanent legislature. Once again, Iraqis defied terrorist threats. Nearly twelve million people-a turnout of more than 70 percent-cast their ballots. This time Sunnis partic.i.p.ated in overwhelming numbers. One voter stuck his ink-stained finger in the air and shouted, "This is a thorn in the eyes of the terrorists."

With absentee Iraqi voters in the Oval Office. White House/Paul Morse White House/Paul Morse I was proud of our troops and thrilled for the Iraqis. With the three elections of 2005, they had accomplished a major milestone on the path to democracy. I was hopeful the political progress would isolate the insurgents and allow our troops to pick off al Qaeda fighters one by one. After all the sadness and sacrifice, there was genuine reason for optimism.

The Askariya shrine at the Golden Mosque of Samarra is considered one of the holiest sites in Shia Islam. It contains the tombs of two revered imams who were father and grandfather to the hidden imam, a savior the Shia believe will restore justice to humanity.

On February 22, 2006, two ma.s.sive bombs destroyed the mosque. The attack was an enormous provocation to the Shia, akin to an attack on St. Peter's Basilica or the Western Wall. "This is the equivalent of your 9/11," the influential Shia leader Abdul Aziz al Hakim Abdul Aziz al Hakim told me. told me.

I thought back to the letter Zarqawi had written to al Qaeda leaders in 2004, in which he proposed to incite a war between Iraqi Shia and Sunnis. While there were some immediate reprisal attacks, the violence did not seem to be spiraling out of control. I was relieved. The Shia had shown restraint, and I encouraged them to continue. In a speech on March 13, I said the Iraqis had "looked into the abyss and did not like what they saw."

I was wrong. By early April, sectarian violence sectarian violence had exploded. Roving bands of Shia gunmen kidnapped and murdered innocent Sunnis. Sunnis responded with suicide bombings in Shia areas. The crisis was exacerbated by the lack of a strong Iraqi government. Parties had been jockeying for position since the December election. That was a natural part of democracy, but with the violence escalating, Iraq needed a strong leader. I directed Condi and Amba.s.sador Zal Khalilzad-who had moved from Kabul to Baghdad-to lean hard on the Iraqis to select a prime minister. Four months after the election, they made a surprise choice: had exploded. Roving bands of Shia gunmen kidnapped and murdered innocent Sunnis. Sunnis responded with suicide bombings in Shia areas. The crisis was exacerbated by the lack of a strong Iraqi government. Parties had been jockeying for position since the December election. That was a natural part of democracy, but with the violence escalating, Iraq needed a strong leader. I directed Condi and Amba.s.sador Zal Khalilzad-who had moved from Kabul to Baghdad-to lean hard on the Iraqis to select a prime minister. Four months after the election, they made a surprise choice: Nouri al Maliki Nouri al Maliki.

With Zal Khalilzad (left) and Nouri al Maliki. White House/Eric Draper White House/Eric Draper A dissident who had been sentenced to death by Saddam, Maliki had lived in exile in Syria. I called him the day he was selected. Since he had no secure phone, he was at the U.S. emba.s.sy. "Mr. President, here's the new prime minister," Zal said.

"Thanks," I said, "but stay on the phone a little longer so the prime minister will know how close you and I are."

"Congratulations, Mr. Prime Minister," I said when Maliki got on. "I want you to know the United States is fully committed to democracy in Iraq. We will work together to defeat the terrorists and support the Iraqi people. Lead with confidence."

Maliki was friendly and sincere, but he was a political novice. I made clear I wanted a close personal relationship. So did he. In the months ahead, we spoke frequently by phone and videoconference. I was careful not to bully him or appear heavy-handed. I wanted him to consider me a partner, maybe a mentor. He would get plenty of pressure from others. From me he would get advice and understanding. Once I had earned his trust, I would be in a better position to help him make the tough decisions.

I hoped the formation of the Maliki government would provide a break in the violence. It didn't. The reports of sectarian killings grew more gruesome. Death squads conducted brazen kidnappings. Iran supplied militants with funding, training, and highly sophisticated Explosively Formed Projectiles (EFPs) to kill our troops. Iraqis retreated into their sectarian foxholes, looking for protection wherever they could find it.

Our ground commander in Iraq was General George Casey, an experienced four-star general who had commanded troops in Bosnia and served as vice chief of staff of the Army. Don Rumsfeld had recommended him for the Iraq command when General Ricardo Sanchez stepped down in the summer of 2004.