Body Language in Business Part 4

Smell is also powerfully linked to individual autobiographical memories. Along with hospitals, railway stations have distinct smells that quickly evoke emotional a.s.sociations. Neurological studies have shown that this is not surprising, given that the primary olfactory cortex of the brain is linked directly to the amygdala and the hippocampus the basic structures for the experiencing of emotion and emotional memory forming. What is more, smell does not seem to be integrated with the rest of memory knots (visual, verbal, phonemic and so on representations of an object or idea); it is also the slowest among all the other stimuli to be processed.

We know that smell is generationally linked as a result of shared product experiences and lifestyle. Far fewer people bake bread or live in the country than used to formerly, hence the comforting feeling a.s.sociated with the scents of warm bread, or cut hay or fresh horse manure, may work on people of only a particular age cohort.

Certainly buildings and different parts of them have characteristics smells as a function of who works in them, what they do and how they are furnished. Some smell of cleaning materials and others of food of various types. Aromatherapy may not, as yet, be an accepted therapy, but there is no doubt that people do change their behavior in response to smell. The whole perfume industry is based on this simple point.

Many organizations and the people in them pay a great deal of attention to smell. These include hotels and restaurants, and airlines and other transport systems. They want often to convey the message that things are clean and orderly, and they do this with scent. People may not be conscious of the smell but do respond to it very obviously.

People, of course, douse themselves in scent, from shampoo and toothpaste to perfume. Women know how men respond to certain perfumes. Various studies have shown that people who have a particularly desirable smell are judged, quite inappropriately, as being clever, more productive, as having higher morale and so on.

Music and smell work on mood. And moods do not last long, though they can profoundly influence both thinking (decision-making) and behavior (shopping, for example). The process can even be semisubliminal: while people are initially aware of particular scents, they remain unaware of how their purchasing behavior has been changed by them.

Those studying attraction (the effects of body odor), decision-making and brain chemistry are curious as to precisely what physiological consequences occur once positive and negative moods are induced and familiar scents are detected. But they still do not know how people are able to distinguish between pepper and peppermint, or how wine tasters do their job. It was not thought of as a very serious area of enquiry until the commercial consequences were spelt out.

It is possible to imagine many positive and negative consequences of increasing our knowledge of the link between smell and mood, and mood and behavior. Some will object to a twenty-first-century version of a new "hidden persuader"; others will be pleased to find that someone has thought to ionize and aromatize their working, travelling and shopping environment.

BEYOND WORDS AND SOUNDS.

Voice and speech pattern.

It is a common notion that words convey the meaning of what is being said. However, vocal properties of speech can stress, highlight, or change completely, one and the same statement. Thus, voice and speech patterns, such as pauses, accents, emphases, intonations, variations in pitch, tempo, rhythm and tonality work in a similar fashion to punctuation. A cla.s.sic school exercise ill.u.s.trates this idea: 'A woman without her man is nothing.' Once you have decided which words to punctuate, the intonation will follow accordingly. What is more, depending on how you choose to stress each of the words and where you pause in the sentence, the overall meaning of the statement alters dramatically. Compare the following: "Call me fool, if you will" with "Call me, fool, if you will" or "Panda eats, shoots and leaves" with "Panda eats shoots and leaves".

Vocal and speech patterns communicate various things: * emotional states (anger, joy, sadness); * dimensions of personality (extraversion/introversion, masculinity/femininity); * group affiliation, such as social cla.s.s or regional background; * a.s.sertiveness, dominance, credibility.

Dominance, for example, is characterized by faster speech, fewer pauses, louder voice and more pitch variations. Sadness can be detected through lower tone and volume of speech. Extraverted individuals usually speak faster and use more pitch variations.

Research into voice and speech patterns is the study of how things are said, not (so much) what is said. It is the study of prosody. Consider the six sentences below. Place emphasis on the words in italics and you will see how the meaning of the sentence changes: * The director gave cash to his PA.

* The director gave cash to his PA.

* The director gave cash to his PA.

* The director gave cash to his PA.

* The director gave cash to his PA.

* The director gave cash to his PA.

Voice researchers, coaches and actors can identify, and when appropriate reproduce, very specific and recognizable types of voices. Voices can be thin or flat or nasal. They can be breathy or tense or throaty. They can be shrill or s.e.xy; strained or tired. They convey meaning and impression, often different for males compared to females. Consider the "voice-over" in advertis.e.m.e.nts. A throaty (husky) voice in a male is often used to indicate wisdom and sophistication, while in a female a similar voice might seem boorish, lazy and less intelligent. Think of how voice trainers work with actors and politicians.

Some voices are quite simply more pleasing than others. They are in part a function of our age, social cla.s.s and emotional state. We can and do change various acoustic features (pitch, tone, tempo, rhythm) to adjust to whom we are speaking and the topic of the conversation.

Those in the business of persuasion tend to speak faster and louder with more pitch variation; they are often very fluent, non-hesitant and speak with fewer pauses.

We use vocal cues to do conversational turn-taking. A conversation is a two-way process with (ideally) a speaker and one (or more) listeners. The question is, how do we "coordinate" speech automatically and effortlessly so that all those interested get a turn to speak. We yield to another person to give them a turn. We also vocally request a turn, often by "starter-starts" such as trying to begin another sentence "And I... But... But..." or back-channel murmurs like "Yeah", "Uh-huh" spoken fast meaning "Get on with it; I want a go".

Some people (note politicians being interviewed) engage in turn denying and turn manipulating. To do this they increase their speed and volume of speech when others are trying to interview them; they decrease their pauses and eliminate all silent breaks or hesitations.

Many therapists and researchers are particularly interested in hesitations, pauses and slips of the tongue as well as when and why people "go silent". There are grammatical pauses (the end of the sentence; before a conjunction; before an adverbial clause) as well as non-grammatical pauses. There are "um, er" pauses and empty pauses. There are pauses for effect and pauses for uncertainty.

Equally, there is the power of silence. Skilful inquisitorial interviewers all know the power of silence, particularly when refusing to accept "their turn" in the conversation. They might ask a direct question, "Did you have s.e.x with that woman?" The other person responds, "No, I did not", but the interviewer then chooses to remain silent, thus putting pressure on the interviewee to speak further. The silence here indicates an unwillingness to accept the answer.

There are places of silence (courtrooms, hospitals, churches), which encourage rumination and reflection. Skilful orators, chairmen and actors know how to use (albeit very short) silences (more than pauses) to accentuate, to punctuate and to convey powerful emotions of sadness, love, or even disgust.

Silence can reward thoughtfulness and contemplation as well as ignorance. It can indicate that one is evaluating a statement or coming to a conclusion. Silence occurs in revelations when something is hidden or becoming known. Perhaps because we live in such a noisy, communication-filled world, silence is all the more powerful as a communication style.

Finally, there is the fascination with parapraxis or slips of the tongue, made famous by Sigmund Freud. This occurs when people use the wrong word, often the opposite of what they meant to say. a.n.a.lysts claim that the incorrect word reflects what people really believe and want. A famous pun captures the definition of Freudian slips precisely, "A Freudian slip is when you intend to say one thing, but instead you say your mother." Evidently, they are mainly of a s.e.xual or suggestive nature. Spoonerism is another example of slip-of-the-tongue mistakes. Spoonerisms are, however, distinguishable from other speech errors by their pattern of subst.i.tution: it usually involves a changeover of the first or last letters or syllables in an expression, such as "You have hissed my mystery lessons" instead of "You have missed my history lessons".

Although psychoa.n.a.lysts claim such mistakes are evidence of repressed desires and s.e.xual urges, cognitive psychologists have noticed the rules according to which such mistakes happen. V. Fromkin generated a list of principles governing slips of the tongue: * stick in the mud >smuck in the tid (consonant segments exchange) * ad hoc > odd hack (vowel segments exchange) * unanimity > unamity (syllable deleted) * easily enough > easy enoughly (suffix moved) * tend to turn out > turn to tend out (words exchange) * my sister went to the Grand Canyon > the Grand Canyon went to my sister (whole phrase exchange) To cognitive psychologists, these errors show how language is organized and structured in our memory, not the power of untamed s.e.xual urges.

CONCLUSION.

We communicate by verbal, vocal and visual cues. The way we look before we open our mouths already conveys messages about us. The way we sit, stand and move tells others about our mood, our health and our motives. Our gestures, eye contact patterns and posture can contradict or underline our verbal message. How close or far away we prefer to stand, and at what angle, is important. The quality of our voice, our clothes and jewelry are noted by others. Together, these cues, processed quickly and often without awareness, create impressions that can have an impact on all we do, and these impressions sometimes are all we have to secure a deal. That is why body language at work is important.

Body language can be unpacked or understood through various channels, cues or mechanisms: from touch to odor, gaze to gesture. However, while they tend to be researched and discussed separately, they co-occur. Thus, anxiety or anger are communicated by all channels simultaneously. Both researchers in the area and popular writers on the topic have come to the conclusion that it is safest and wisest to interpret body language signs together; that is, to look for patterns of nonverbal behavior, to spot them appearing one after another or simultaneously, or, put simply, to a.n.a.lyze cl.u.s.ters of signals rather than single, individual cues.

However, when there is a mult.i.tude of signs and signals, there are usually too many to pick up instantly. That is why it is so fascinating to watch (true) experts' commentary on film clips. They usually draw your attention to very particular, seemingly insignificant cues that, in context and with interpretation, seem to mean so much. Naturally, those involved tend to be politicians, celebrities or royalty: in other words, people who tickle public curiosity. The a.n.a.lyses are usually even more interesting when the people concerned are trying to hide or disguise their emotions or intentions (and TV producers make sure to include such extracts to boost the ratings). What these examinations do show, however, is that, with skill and knowledge, body language reading can reveal a great deal, but that it is easiest when the reader is not taking part in the actual interaction. Not only does it give the advantage of being able to concentrate on minute details not noticeable to the naked eye in real time, but also provides them with an opportunity to look a the same clips again and again. Perspective and distance have always been of benefit for those in the know and with know-how.

3.

EVERYDAY SIGNS AND SIGNALS.

As well as the thoroughly investigated cues and channels discussed in the previous chapter, there are many other nonverbal cues we use to communicate from day to day in our working lives. In this chapter we shall consider briefly three of these: physical appearance, dress, and color. Each has clear a.n.a.logies in the animal world. For many animals there is a clear correlation between their physical features and strength or reproductive success; nearly all animals for example, peac.o.c.ks send signals using special feathers and markings; and most have a purposeful coloring.

THE INFLUENCE OF NONVERBAL SIGNS IN IMPRESSION FORMATION.

How long does it take to form an impression? Body language research points to the obvious answer: not long at all. In fact, it take just few seconds for us to make up our mind about another person. More importantly, it shows that this inkling is appearance-based, which has clear implications for business and work settings. It is therefore not surprising that people spend a huge chunk of their time, and place much importance on, grooming, polishing and improving their looks.

What sort of information can we detect from the outward image? Potentially, we can infer both qualities and states mind of people. As pointed out earlier in the book, we detect emotional states from facial expressions; for example, joy and sadness, anger and frustration, disgust and surprise. More than that, we deduce characteristics of people too, such as their competence, intelligence, dominance and status, simply by looking at them for a very brief length of time.

The area of psychological research that studies impression formation uses a paradigm called thin slices of behavior. Partic.i.p.ants are presented with a peek, a tiny slice of information for five seconds or less which shows a person either static (photographed) or active (video-taped). They are then asked to rate the person shown against a number of traits and qualities. The findings have been astonishing. Students' teacher evaluations prior to the start of cla.s.ses correlated highly with the ratings given to the same teacher at the end of the course.

We have an amazing ability to pinpoint other people accurately on a range of different personality and qualities scales without any deliberation or conscious thought on our part. These unconscious impressions also tend to be more correct than if people are given time to consider their choices.

PHYSICAL APPEARANCE.

It makes evolutionary sense to judge the book by its cover. Physical appearance is used extensively in the animal kingdom as a crude divider. It separates males from females, young from old, and one subtype of species from another. It is the same with humans: facial and body symmetry is indicative of good genetic health, while asymmetry is a sure sign of some mutation and imbalance. Beautifully proportioned b.u.t.tocks signify mating potential in women, while a firm, muscular build is evidence of s.e.xual maturity in men. Overall, we use appearance to discriminate between good and bad, new and old, ripe and raw.

Started by the ancient Greek philosophers and pa.s.sed on to the modern-day media, the debate about the role of physical appearance in our life is ongoing. Francis Galton first tried to measure various physical features and relate them systematically to personality traits and behaviors. Oscar Wilde's book, The Picture of Dorian Gray is based on the idea that appearance betrays inner character. Nowadays, more than ever before, there is much pressure on fitting the bill and looking right.

It seems that we have implicit ideas about how looks are linked to inner traits and characteristics. Recent research in the currently reviving area of physiognomy shows that physical and facial appearance is consistently related to judgments of credibility, trustworthiness, aggression and dominance. It could be that the development of both bodily features and personality traits are influenced by the same stimuli for example, exposure to s.e.x hormones. Digit ratio, for example, or the relationship between index and ring finger lengths, is claimed to be connected to such psychological traits as dominance and a.s.sertiveness. Men generally regarded as more dominant apparently also have longer ring fingers. Women who tend to be less domineering have slightly longer index fingers. Thus the connection between these, at first glance unlikely physical and psychological features, is explained through the influence of the same hormone, testosterone during foetal development. Testosterone, a male hormone, simultaneously affects both a foetus's skeleton structure and its personality characteristics, thus resulting in both "manly" and "womanly" finger ratios, and dominant or submissive personalities.

BODILY ATTRACTIVENESS.

Evolutionary psychologists have studied the facial and bodily correlates of attractiveness that are related to youth and health (and fecundity). It is possible to describe characteristics of the body and face that are consistently rated attractive by others: * BMI: Body Ma.s.s Index or shape, which is weight/(height height). An attractive shape has 2126 BMI points.

* WHR: Waist-to-Hip Ratio in females. A desirable score is 0.7 to 0.8.

* CTH: Chest-to-Hip ratio in men (less than 0.95).

* LTR: Leg-to-Torso Ratio (higher ratio or longer legs is preferred in women, smaller ratio or shorter legs in men).

As well as such "crude" body indexes, there are things like symmetry, height and skin texture. There are a whole range of characteristics that signal health and attractiveness. Consider hair: this indicates age (bald, grey) and race as well as fitness. Many cultures require body hair to be removed, especially by women.

People attempt to improve their attractiveness by various methods. These include possibly dangerous and certainly expensive plastic surgery, but also cosmetics and nearly always clothes. Clothes are used to enhance and disguise, to flatter and to distract: to change the state of both wearer and observer.

Below is a table listing bodily and facial features on which evolutionary psychological research has concentrated. Looking at the sheer number of variables that were investigated experimentally, it is possible to conclude several things. First, it shows that there are many details that const.i.tute a "perfect" shape or look. Second, how important symmetry is to the concept of physical attractiveness. From face to figure, from fingers to toes, symmetrical body parts are consistently rated as being more attractive. It is also clear that certain forms and magnitude of bodily features are a.s.sociated with beauty more than others. Thus some of the most frequently studied variables are shape and size.

Source: Adapted from Swami and Furnham, 2008.

People seem to always have been fascinated by beauty and the beautiful. However, is it true that in these politically-correct, litigiouslyobsessed, image-conscious times, that physical appearance cues, as much as ability and experience, affect our judgment? Is it the survival of the handsomest? Surely no one now dares to differentiate between job candidates on the basis of how they look, except, of course, in the theatre, movies and fashion, where it is all-important.

Though many would argue that beauty is in the eye of the beholder, academic studies in the area reveal a somewhat different picture. In fact, research on physical looks makes a rather depressing reading. Various well-conducted criminological studies have shown that physical features frequently sway judgments of innocence and guilt. The scared, small-eyed, heavily-built, shaven-haired defendant has far less of a chance of being judged correctly innocent than the large-blueeyed, neotonized cherub. Attractiveness influences both juries and judges: bail levels, fines and jail sentences are often partly a reflection of the defendant's looks.

There are a host of studies on physical looks that show how certain features trigger reactions. Shown pictures of the same person wearing spectacles or not, attached to a CV, people rate those wearing gla.s.ses as being more intelligent. The effect has much less impact during interviews, where voice, vocabulary and answers to questions can overpower the simple prop of spectacles. But looks count, often subtly and very imprecisely.

Attractiveness is usually defined as "the degree to which one's facial image elicits a positive response". The results from many experimental studies support the "What is beautiful is good" phenomenon. As noted in the previous chapter, this is also called the halo effect and means that physical attractiveness is a.s.sociated with many other (quite unrelated) characteristics and traits. Thus those who are considered attractive are thought of as being more intelligent, more socially skilled, more moral, more adaptable, and more agreeable than those who are deemed to be less attractive.

LOOKING THE PART.

Consider the job of the casting director of a play or film. It is as interesting as it is challenging. It is, of course, a selection job. Out of the many, many hopeful applicants for the role, those must be chosen who in some way best encapsulate looks, voices, mannerisms and personae of the characters. Villains have to look like villains; and heroes like real heroes. Seductive lovers and vulnerable princesses all have to have the "right body".

The whole package needs to fit. The voice might be right, but the stature wrong. The look may be frightful and menacing but the physiology too puny to magnify the effect. Most directors want to be a little original, a little quirky. Hence the curious mixture of heroes on American detective shows, from bald, lollipop lickers to short, square, binocularly-challenged individuals.

Obituaries of film stars show how they tended to play similar roles. No doubt because they looked the part. Often people who knew these characters intimately reported that in effect they were quite unlike their celluloid characters. "Bad guys", characterized by gruff, monosyllabic one-liners, were often amusing raconteurs in private life; while matinee idols off-screen could be selfish, loutish and vulgar.

This is all very well in the "arty" world of drama and theatre, but what happens in business? To what extent are those who select managers influenced by their ideas of what a manager should look like?

Photographs are often used to accompany CVs, and selectors used to call for them. They do not dare to do so now, lest they be thought of as being influenced by the person's (facial) appearance, indicating race and age as well as physical attractiveness. But height, body shape, skin texture, hair length and quality do make a difference, for both men and women. Indeed, there are "consultants" who sell their skill at helping you to maximize your a.s.sets and minimize your limitations. The great rise of cosmetic surgery may be seen by some as a good business investment. They know that in the selection process, in presentations, and probably at a.s.sessments, it really does help to look the part.

The job application process has, for most people, dropped the habit of asking for a "recent" photograph. In the past, this was mainly for the purpose of identification. Impostors have been known to take tests for other people. And photographs can help to jog the memories of interviewers, who might see as many as a dozen candidates in a row.

The use of photographs is now impermissible because of a new discrimination: lookism. This is a close cousin of heightism and weightism, which could be called shapism. The lookist/shapists argue that people do better at work (are selected, promoted, rewarded) on their looks more than on their performance, which is unfair. Survival of the prettiest! The beautiful shall inherit the earth.

Unfortunately, there is abundant research evidence available to prove that this is true. Overweight people (as seen from photographs) are less likely to be selected for interview and, if they make it to that stage, are less likely to get the job. Very short people, particularly men, don't fare too well. The bald and bearded, those with thick lenses, or poor skin, or uneven teeth, are all handicapped. "What is beautiful is good." Attractive people spend less time in mental hospitals; they receive smaller/lower fines and prison sentences; and are more likely to be elected leaders of their fellows.

In one study conducted in the mid-1980s, a group of researchers sent a CV with photo attached to a group of public health administrators. In a letter, the supposed enquirer requested information and guidance on how to "get into" a public health career. The results showed that identical letters but with pictures of overweight (as opposed to normal weight) writers received both fewer responses and less encouragement to start a career in the area. Even when the applicants were judged to be equal overall in (mainly facial) attractiveness, there was evidence of bias against the overweight.

Studies on the perception of overweight job applicants all seem to show that they are thought to be "careless", "greedy" and "lazy". One study showed that overweight sales people were rated as less trustworthy, less punctual and less polite than their normal-weight colleagues. Fat-ism exists. Fat people are less likely to be selected for specific jobs.

One study used video-taped interviews and another used actors made up in theatrical costumes and good make-up to appear to be either average or overweight, with the same person asking identical questions in identical interviews. There remained bias against the overweight. So it's harder to get a job if you are overweight. And there is worse news: some studies have shown that there is a negative correlation between weight and pay heavy people are paid less.

Heightism, lookism and weightism are soon to be on the agenda of the "discrimination at work" enthusiasts. They are certainly right to point out that attractiveness does affect every aspect of our lives, and our success at work. But the real issue is how best to deal with that fact.

There are three problems with the issue of the psychology of attractiveness, the issue of lookism and issues of discrimination. The first is the problem of subjectivity. There is often considerable agreement about the very beautiful and very ugly, but much less consensus about those in between. There are websites, support groups and fan clubs of people with very particular characteristics. Some individuals find plump voluptuousness attractive. Beauty, indeed attractiveness, like contact lenses, might be almost entirely in the eye of the beholder. This makes legislation on discrimination or even laying down guidelines very problematic.

But the second issue is much hotter. It has been suggested that looks are related to job performance: attractive people out-perform their less attractive colleagues. There are various mechanisms suggested to account for this. At the simplest, social learning theory level, attractive people are more self-confident as a result of the way they have been treated in the past. They have been privileged, favored and rewarded. Evolutionary psychologists have proposed the unthinkable and suggested there are good reasons to believe attractiveness is linked with intelligence, which is itself a good predictor of job success.

More obviously, the public respond well to more attractive people. Better-looking people are more persuasive. They sell more, get more tips, are liked more by others. Unfair, perhaps, but then life is unfair.

Third, some activities require a certain shape. People might need a certain strength, agility, ability to stretch and so on. They might need 20/20 vision. Have all these issues have been considered in disability legislation?

There might be downsides to being good-looking with an ideal shape. People with good looks can be arrogant, narcissistic, spoilt: think supermodels or teenage actresses. They can be lazy, relying on their looks rather than other skills, perseverance or simply hard work. They may also be very low on empathy and insight because they have not had to learn these skills.

There are two powerful reactions to the above observations. The first is the shrill cry of unfair discrimination from the conspiracy theorists, who see prejudice everywhere. There are no doubt a.s.sociations of the short, the fat, and many other groups that believe they are discriminated against. Their argument is that physical characteristics play no part in how well they do the job, and that they are therefore victims. Some would even call for height quotas and the like, ensuring that by law as many top executives are below the average height as above it.

Battling for the other side are the covariance theorists, who point out that height and weight are in fact linked to social cla.s.s, which in turn is linked to education, which is linked to skill, knowledge and att.i.tudes. Thus the reason why top people tend to be slimmer and taller than average is that these are covariates of education, which is indeed a good predictor of success at work.

There can be strong or weak variants of either the conspiracy or covariance theories. Thus one could try sociobiology as a strong version of covariance theorists. It might go something like this: mate selection is partly a function of physical attractiveness. Women like fit, bright, wealthy males; males like pretty, fecund women. The more you "fit the bill" the bigger the choice of spouses you have, and vice versa. Thus certain physical types do better. Alpha males with trophy wives are top of the chain. True for the mountain gorillas of Burundi; but true also for the management team in Banbury.

How to reduce the attractiveness bias.

Politicians and lawyers immediately plump for legislation, making the former smug and the latter rich. An alternative answer comes from the cla.s.sical musical industry, where "blind" auditions were introduced in selection players for symphony orchestras. Judges could only hear, but not see, the musicians playing and selected the applicants to be in or out based on their abilities, not their outward appearance. The same principle has already been applied to business. Candidates are frequently asked to take IQ and personality tests before they are invited to a selection interview.