Abolitionism Exposed! Part 2

3. "Art thou called being a _slave_,[33:A] care not for it."--1 Cor.

vii. 21.

3. If you are a slave _never cease_ caring for it!

4. "If thou mayest (can _lawfully_) be _made_ free, use it rather."--1 Cor. vii. 21.

4. Whether thou mayest or mayest not (lawfully or unlawfully) get free!

5. "Slaves, be obedient to them that are your masters, _according to the flesh_."--Eph. vi. 5.

5. Slaves, be not obedient to your masters; but leave them as quick as you can!

6. "Slaves, obey _in all things_ your masters."--Col. iii. 22.

6. Obey your masters as little as possible, that they may be compelled to cast you off!

7. "Let as many slaves, _as are under the yoke_, count their own masters worthy of all honour."--1 Tim. vi. 1.

7. Masters are worthy of no honour or respect, but contempt and infamy!

8. "Let those who have _believing_ masters, not despise them."--1 Tim.

vi. 2.

8. There are no slave-holders _believers_:--despise them all!

9. "Love them that hate you, and do good to them that despitefully use you."--Matt. v. 44.

9. _Hate_ your masters, for they oppress you: and do _evil_ to them, for they despitefully use you!

10. "Love your enemies."--Matt. v. 44.

10. Your masters are your enemies, _therefore_ despise them.

These few instances will show how different is the spirit which guided the sacred penmen, and that which now actuates the Abolitionists.--If there were no other evidences that Abolitionism _is not_ the cause of G.o.d, the foregoing ought to be sufficient to convince every man who believes in the divine origin of the Sacred Scriptures, and who is willing to submit his judgment to the authority of HIM, "whose ways are not as our ways, and whose thoughts are not as our thoughts."

I think I have now fully proved my propositions, viz., "that the principles of Abolitionism are injurious to the slaves themselves, and are contrary to the express commands of G.o.d."

We shall now accomplish to the fullest extent the professed wish of Abolitionists, and see what would be the probable result! Suppose I possessed the power of granting, at the stroke of my pen, instantaneous emanc.i.p.ation to all the slaves in America, and were this moment to issue the following proclamation: "To all whom it may concern, greeting! I do hereby command and order, that all slaves throughout the Union be instantly set free, and they are now free accordingly!" Let us now ascend in a balloon and take a view of TWO MILLIONS AND A HALF, of poor, ignorant, pennyless, men, women, and children, cast abroad on the world, without a home--without a guide--without "caution, prudence, or judiciousness!" Is not this exactly what you want, Mr. Abolitionist?

What awful consequences must ensue! Not so much to the whites, but more particularly to the poor ignorant people of colour! Can that be called friendship, or charity, or philanthropy, which would lead to such a result? Those ignorant, poor, unprotected, people have now _liberty_!

Will _liberty_ cover them--feed them--protect them--stop the crying of the hungry child--or the cravings of the famished mother? What have they given for this liberty; and what have they got by it? They have given up, _peace_, _plenty_, _protection_, and _contentedness_! And they have got _liberty_, with starvation, anxiety, and want! What a glorious exchange! What a profitable bargain! How thankful they ought to be, to their pseudo-friends, the ABOLITIONISTS!

But come out now, Abolitionists, like men, and answer this question, "Are the slaves in the South, _now_ in a proper condition for immediate emanc.i.p.ation?" Are they, or are they not? Reflect upon the above picture, and then answer like men.--Do you reply, that you think they ought to have _first_ some education--some provision made for them--some arrangements to guard against possible consequences?--If this be your answer, I congratulate you on the first symptoms of restoration to sound mental health: I now entertain hopes of your speedy recovery, and ere you have read the last page of this humble treatise, I doubt not, but you and I will perfectly agree, and I will give you a certificate of health!

There will nevertheless remain some stubborn Abolitionists, even all who "hate prudence, caution, and judiciousness," who will still exclaim "the slaves are now fit for _instantaneous_ and unconditional emanc.i.p.ation!"

A word or two with such characters before I close this chapter. Pray from what premises do you draw your conclusions? Is it from the present condition of those already made free, or from the emanc.i.p.ation of slaves in other countries. I shall examine both of these grounds. First then as to the condition of those already emanc.i.p.ated, which condition if it even favoured the views of Abolitionists, would not be a justifiable or parallel case, forasmuch as the free people of colour amongst us now were not suddenly, but _gradually_ emanc.i.p.ated--and were not totally ignorant, for many of them knew how both to read and to write. Therefore with all these points strong in favour of every thing the Abolitionist could possibly desire, we shall fearlessly investigate the result.

In the facts I am about adducing, I wish it to be clearly understood, that I do not attribute them to any natural peculiarity, or natural inferiority of coloured persons, but distinctly to the want of education, and to the peculiar and trying circ.u.mstances in which these persons are placed. If even the free persons of colour, turned out good and worthy citizens to the utmost wish of every benevolent man, it would not, as I have just stated, prove any thing in favour of Abolition; but so far from this being the case--so far, notwithstanding all the advantages of _gradual_ emanc.i.p.ation, and a preparatory course of instruction, from the result substantiating the opinion of Abolitionists, viz. "that the slaves may, with safety to themselves, and to others, be instantaneously emanc.i.p.ated;" it stands an incontrovertible evidence against them--a warning that it is difficult to conceive how any man in his senses, would not be admonished by; if he be one who regards the welfare and happiness of this country, and the real good of the black! The following paragraph is taken from "the Plea for Africa," p. 179.

"It has been a.s.serted that, of free blacks collected in our cities and large towns, a great portion are found in abodes of wretchedness and vice, and become tenants of poor-houses and prisons. As a proof of the tendency of their condition, the following striking facts among others, ascertained a year or two since, have been mentioned: In Ma.s.sachusetts, where the coloured population is small, being less than 7,000 souls, (only 1-74th part of the whole population,) --> about 1-6th part of the whole number of convicts in the state-prison are blacks. In Connecticut, 1-34th part of the population is coloured, and --> 1-3d part of the convicts. In New-York, 1-35th part are blacks; --> 1-4th part of the convicts in the city state-prison are blacks. In New-Jersey, the proportion is 1-13th coloured; and of the convicts 1-3d. In Pennsylvania, 1-34th part of a population of more than a million of souls, is coloured; and more than one-third part of the convicts are black.

"I need not pursue these ill.u.s.trations of the degradation of the free blacks in the non-slave-holding States. It appears from these statements, which I find in the First Annual Report of the Prison Discipline Society, that about _one quarter_ part of all the expense incurred by these States for the support of their inst.i.tutions for criminals is for _coloured_ convicts. The bill of expense in three of these States stands thus: that is, the expense for the support of coloured convicts for the specified number of years preceding the report from which this schedule is made, is in

Ma.s.sachusetts, 10 years, $17,734 Connecticut, 15 years, 37,166 New-York, 27 years, 109,166 in one prison.

-------- $164,066

--> This sum was expended in an average of less than eighteen years, on convicts from among a population of only 54,000 coloured persons.

"Ill.u.s.trations, borrowed from the criminal statistics of the South, would place this matter in a far more unfavourable light. References to the expenses for the maintenance of paupers, would give a similar result."

According to the above statement, it appears, that in Ma.s.sachusetts, there are (in proportion to the whole population) TWELVE coloured persons to _one_ white, in poor-houses and prisons!

In _Connecticut_, ELEVEN Coloured, to _one_ White, in Do.!

In _New-York_, EIGHT Coloured, to _one_ White, in Do.!

In _New-Jersey_, FOUR Coloured, to _one_ White, in Do.!

In _Pennsylvania_, ELEVEN Coloured, to _one_ White, in Do.!

If the trial of 300,000 Coloured free persons, (the number now in the States,) emanc.i.p.ated _gradually_, and under the most favourable circ.u.mstances possible, be not sufficient to open the eyes of the Abolitionists to the recklessness of their course, I know not what could. Can this result afford any encouragement or satisfaction? And if not, why persevere in attempting to bring about what cannot take place; and which if it could, would produce incalculable misfortunes throughout the States?

We shall now investigate the other appeal, viz., that no evils arose from the _immediate_ emanc.i.p.ation of the slaves in Mexico--the British slaves in the West Indies, those in Chili, Buenos Ayres, Colombia, and New York. In the first place, then, give me leave to remark that as to Mexico, the slaves there were only comparatively a handful, about 20,000. Secondly, they were incorporated into the Army, as the _condition_ of emanc.i.p.ation; so that they actually only changed from civil to martial law! And thirdly, so far from the slaves in Mexico having been set free in one day, it took them TWELVE YEARS to buy their freedom! The law, granting them this privilege, was, it is true, made in one day; but the accomplishment of it, took TWELVE YEARS! See Dr.

Reese's Letters to the Hon. William Jay, p. 104. As to the English slaves in the West Indies, every one knows their emanc.i.p.ation was not immediate, for in fact they are not as yet literally emanc.i.p.ated!

Besides, the British found it necessary not only to pay handsomely for them; but they find it indispensably necessary still to maintain there a considerable standing Army! And the venerable Mr. Clarkson, writing on the subject, said, "I never stated that our West Indian slaves were to be emanc.i.p.ated _suddenly_, but by degrees. I always, _on the other hand_, took it for granted, that they were to have a _preparatory school_, also." Lastly, as to the four other places, it is notorious, that the slaves were not in one single instance, immediately and unconditionally emanc.i.p.ated. Here are the cases so frequently referred to by Abolitionists, as a ground of justification for their project, and yet we perceive there is not one of them a case, parallel, to the condition of the Southern States; moreover, where any of them, have any resemblance to the circ.u.mstances of our country, the result shows the madness of the Abolition Scheme! There is one more _fatal_ objection to the Abolition system, viz., that its whole aim is the removal of the effect, and not the cause! Now the first principle in philosophy, indeed in common sense, is, "_to remove the cause_:" and every system built upon any other principle is absurd, and must turn out useless.

Abolitionism is therefore unphilosophical, absurd, fallacious, and inefficacious! That slavery is the cause of much evil, I do not pretend to deny; but then slavery itself is only an _effect_. For example, a person gets a splinter of wood into his finger--the finger inflames--the arm inflames--the whole body (as it were) inflames--delirium or lockjaw supervenes, and death closes the scene! Now the inflamed finger is the cause of the inflamed arm; and that the cause of the general fever; and that the cause of the delirium; and that the cause of death![39:A] What kind of empirical practice would every attempt be to remove the inflammation of the finger, of the arm, or of the body, while the cause (the splinter) still remained in the finger? The very first thing any man of science would, under such circ.u.mstances, do, would be to extract the splinter--the original cause of all--when once the cause had been removed, then, but not till then, would he attempt to remove the effects.

The attention of Abolitionists is directed solely to the removal of the effect--for slavery is only the effect of the African _Slave-trade_. Now if there never had been _slave-trade_, there would be now no _slavery_: and this cause--the slave-trade, still exists. ONE HUNDRED THOUSAND Africans are annually torn away by the hand of violence from their native land; and of this number, ere they reach their destination, SIXTY THOUSAND die of hard and cruel treatment. Yet to all this Abolitionists pay no attention,--they weep and wail over, and preach and brawl about, the people of colour in these States, nine-tenths of whom are slaves only in _name_, and who are far better off, far happier, far more contented--far better provided for, than nine-tenths of the white labouring population of civilized Europe.

The ingenuity of Abolitionists, I am aware, will readily find for them a plausible answer to this charge: they will reply, oh if we stop slavery here--if we break up the system in our States, if there be no market to which the slave-trader can bring his slaves, the African traffic will soon cease. Admitted, if the little "IF," which always professes to accomplish great things, could work miracles. But pray, would breaking up the slave-trade in these States, break up the market elsewhere?

Certainly not! For those 100,000 slaves now annually exported from Africa, are not brought here; but to the Brazils, Havanna, &c. &c.

A short quotation from "the Plea for Africa" will furnish the reader with still more extensive views of the horrors of the SLAVE-TRADE, to which Abolitionists, with all their philanthropy, pay no attention.

"Mr. Clarkson divides the slaves into seven cla.s.ses. The most considerable cla.s.s consists of kidnapped, or stolen Africans.

In obtaining these, every species of injustice, treachery and cruelty are resorted to. This cla.s.s, Mr. C. supposes, embraces one half of the whole number transported from Africa. The second cla.s.s consists of those whose villages are set on fire and depopulated in the darkness of night, for the purpose of obtaining a portion of their inhabitants. The third cla.s.s consists of those who have been convicted of crimes. The fourth, of prisoners in wars that originate from common causes, or in wars made solely for the purpose of procuring captives for slaves. The fifth, such as are slaves by birth.

The sixth and seventh, such as have surrendered their liberty by reason of debt, or by other imprudences, which last, however, are comparatively few in number.

"They are sometimes brought a distance _of a thousand miles; marched over land in droves, or caufles as they are called, secured from running away, by pieces of wood which yoke them together by the neck, two and two, or by other pieces fastened with staples to their arms_.

"Some are carried to what are called slave-factories; others immediately to the sh.o.r.e, and conveyed in boats to the different ships whose captains have captured or purchased them. The men are confined on board the ship, two and two together, either by the neck, leg, or arm, with fetters of iron; and are put into apartments, the men occupying the forepart, the women the afterpart, and the children the middle. The tops of these apartments are grated for the admission of light and for ventilation when the weather is suitable for the grates to be uncovered, and are about three feet three inches in height, just sufficient s.p.a.ce being allotted to each individual to sit in one posture, the whole stowed away like so much lumber.

"It is said that many of them whilst the ships are waiting for their full lading, and whilst they are near their native sh.o.r.e which they are no more to set foot upon for ever, have been so depressed, and overwhelmed with such unsupportable distress, that they have been induced to die by their own hands. _Others have become deranged and perfect maniacs, or have pined away and died with despairing, broken hearts._

"In the day-time, in fair weather, they are sometimes brought on deck. They are then placed in long rows on each side of the ship, two and two together. As they are brought up from their apartments, a long chain is pa.s.sed through the shackles of each couple, successively, and thus the whole row is fastened down to the deck. In this situation, they receive their food.

After their coa.r.s.e and meagre meal, a drum is beaten by one of the sailors, and at its sound the Negroes are all required to exercise, for their health, jumping in their chains as high as their fetters will let them; and if any refuse to exercise in this way, they are whipped until they comply. This jumping, the slave-merchants call "_dancing_."

"The middle pa.s.sage is the whole from the time the ship weighs anchor until she arrives at her destined port. On the pa.s.sage, the situation of the slaves is, indeed, doubly deplorable, especially if the ship have a long pa.s.sage, and is very full.

A full-grown person is allowed, in the most commodious slave-ships, but sixteen inches in width, three feet three inches in height, and five feet eight inches in length. _They lie in one crowded ma.s.s on the bare planks, and by the constant motion of the ship, are often chafed until their bones are almost bare, and their limbs covered with bruises and sores._ The heat is often so great, and the air they breathe so poisoned with pestilence by the feverish exhalations of the suffering mult.i.tude, that nature can no longer sustain itself. It is no uncommon occurrence, to find, on each successive morning, some who have died during the night, in consequence of their suffering and confined situation. A large proportion of those who are shipped, die before they have crossed the ocean. Many also die soon after completing the voyage, from what is called "the seasoning;"

that is, in becoming acclimated in the country to which they are carried.

"It is said that when the slave-holders first visited the western coast of Africa, the country was most delightful. The coast was covered with villages, or thickly settled towns, which swarmed with inhabitants. Simple in their manners, amiable in their dispositions, in quiet enjoyment of the profuse bounties of nature, they are represented as exceeding happy.