A Manual of Ancient History Part 37

TREBELLII POLLIONIS _divus Claudius_, _in Script. Hist. Aug._

13. During the reign of L. Domitius Aurelia.n.u.s, which lasted almost five years, those countries which had been partly or entirely lost to the empire were restored. Having first driven back the Goths and the Alemanni, who had advanced as far as Umbria, he undertook his expedition against the celebrated Zen.o.bia, queen of Palmyra, who at that time possessed Syria, Egypt, and part of Asia Minor. These countries he again brought under the dominion of the empire, after having defeated Zen.o.bia and made her prisoner. The western provinces of Gaul, Britain, and Spain, which since the time of Gallienus had been governed by separate rulers, and were now under the dominion of Tetricus, he reduced to their former obedience. Dacia, on the contrary, he willingly abandoned; and as he transported the Roman inhabitants across the Danube into Moesia, the latter henceforward bore the name of _Dacia Aureliani_. Hated for his severity, which in a warrior so easily degenerates into cruelty, he was a.s.sa.s.sinated in Illyria at the instigation of his private secretary Mnestheus.

FLAV. VOPISCI _divus Aurelia.n.u.s_, _in Script. Hist. Aug._

Palmyra in the Syrian desert, enriched by the Indian trade, and one of the most ancient cities in the world, became a Roman colony in the time of Trajan. Odenatus, the husband of Zen.o.bia, had acquired so much celebrity by his victories over the Persians, that Gallienus had even named him Augustus with himself. He was murdered, however, by his cousin Maeonius, 267. Zen.o.bia now took possession of the government for her sons Vabalathus, Herennia.n.u.s, and Timolaus, without, however, being acknowledged at Rome. After this, in the time of Claudius, she added Egypt to her dominions. Aurelian, having first defeated her near Antioch and Emesa, soon afterwards took Palmyra, which, in consequence of a revolt, he destroyed.--Even in its ruins Palmyra is still magnificent.

_The Ruins of Palmyra_, by R. WOOD. London, 1753; and the _Ruins of Balbec, otherwise Heliopolis_, by the same author, London, 1757, give us clear and certain ideas of the splendour and magnitude of these cities.

A. H. L. HEEREN, _de Commercio urbis Palmyrae vicinarumque urbium_, in _Comment. recent. Soc. Gotting._ vol. vii. and the Appendix to Heeren's Researches.

14. An interregnum of six months followed upon the death of Aurelian, till at length the senate, at the repeated solicitations of the army, ventured to fill up the vacant throne. The object of their choice, however, M. Claudius Tacitus, the worthiest of the senators, was unfortunately seventy-five years old, and perished after a short reign of six months, in an expedition against the Goths. Upon this event the army of Syria raised M. Aurelius Probus to the purple; while Floria.n.u.s the brother of Tacitus, who had already been acknowledged at Rome, was put to death by his own people.

FLAV. VOPISCI _Tacitus; ejusd. Floria.n.u.s_, _in Script. Hist. Aug._

15. The six years' reign of Probus was a warlike one. He defeated the Germans, and forced them beyond the Rhine and Danube; strengthening the frontiers by building a strong wall from the Danube, near Regensburg, to the Rhine. He also obliged the Persians to make peace. Nevertheless, the number of towns which he reestablished and peopled with prisoners of war, and the vineyards which he caused his soldiers to plant on the Rhine, are proofs that he had taste and inclination for the arts of peace. This policy, however, would not suit the legions! After he had perished, therefore, by the hands of his soldiers, they proclaimed the praefect of the praetorian guard, M. Aurelius Carus, emperor, who created his two sons Caesars--men very unlike each other in disposition, M.

Aurelius Carinus being one of the greatest reprobates, while M.

Aurelius Numeria.n.u.s was gentle by nature, and had a mind well formed by study. The new emperor, having defeated the Goths, marched against the Persians, but was shortly afterwards killed, it is said, by a flash of lightning. Nor did his son Numeria.n.u.s long survive him, being murdered by his own father-in-law, Arrius Aper, the praetorian praefect.

FLAV. VOPISCI _Probus imper. ejusd. Carus, Numiria.n.u.s et Carinus_, _in Script. Hist. Aug._

16. Although this period gives us a finished picture of a complete military despotism, it is still evident that this was owing to the entire separation of the military order from the rest of the people, by the introduction of standing armies, and the extinction of all national spirit among the citizens. The legions decided because the people were unarmed. It was, indeed, only among them, situated far from the soft luxuries of the capital, and engaged in almost a continual struggle with the barbarians, that a remnant of the ancient Roman character was still preserved. The nomination of their leaders to the purple became a natural consequence, not only of the uncertainty of the succession, which could not be fixed by mere ordinances, but often of necessity, from their being in the field under the pressure of urgent circ.u.mstances. Thus a succession of distinguished generals came to the throne: what authority, indeed, would an emperor at that time have had who was not a general? All durable reform, however, was rendered quite impossible by the quick succession of rulers. Even the best among them could do but very little for the internal administration; as all their energies were required to protect the frontiers, and defend themselves against usurpers, who, with the exception of the formality of being acknowledged by the senate, had claims as well founded as their own.

17. The decline of the empire also became so much the more rapid, in proportion as in these days of terror luxury had increased not only in the splendour and profligate effeminacy of private life, but more particularly in public, to a pitch almost beyond belief. The latter was especially shown in the exhibitions of the amphitheatre and circus; by which not only every new ruler, but even every new magistrate was obliged to purchase the favour of the people. Thus these remnants of a free const.i.tution served only to accelerate the general ruin! What enjoyments, indeed, could be found under the rod of despotism, except those of the grossest sensuality; and to satisfy this, the intellectual amus.e.m.e.nts of the theatre (mimes and pantomimes), and even those of rhetoric and poetry, were made to contribute.

18. Yet, during this general decay, the gradual spread of the Christian religion was working a reform altogether of a different nature. Before the end of this period it had opened itself a way into every province, and, notwithstanding the frequent persecutions, had made converts in every rank of society, and was now on the eve of becoming the predominant form of worship. We shall be better able to estimate its value, if we consider it as the vehicle by which civilization made its way among the rude nations that now appeared on the scene, than if we merely consider it as the means of improving the manners and morals of the Roman world. In a political view it became of the greatest importance on account of the hierarchy, the frame-work of which was now in a great measure constructed among its professors. It was afterwards adopted as a state religion; and although the ancient creed of Rome had formerly been on the same footing, yet it was only calculated for the republic, and not at all for the now existing monarchy. The overthrow of paganism was necessarily attended with some violent convulsions, yet its loss was nothing to be compared with the support which the throne afterwards found in the hierarchy.

The dispersion of the Jews, and especially the persecutions which were renewed from time to time, after the reign of Nero, (but which only served to kindle enthusiasm,) strongly cooperated in spreading the Christian religion. These persecutions were princ.i.p.ally called forth against the Christians on account of their forming themselves into a separate society, which caused them to be regarded as a dangerous sect at Rome, notwithstanding the general toleration granted to every other system of religious belief. Although towards the end of this period, only a very small proportion of the inhabitants of the Roman empire as yet professed the Christian faith, it nevertheless had followers in every province.

# _History of the Social Const.i.tution of the Christian Church_, by D. G. J. PLANCK, 4 parts, 1800. It is the first part of this excellent work which relates to this period.

THIRD SECTION.

_From Diocletian to the overthrow of the Roman empire in the west, A. C. 284-476._

SOURCES. It now becomes of importance to enquire whether the historians were Christians or pagans. ZOSIMUS, the imitator of Polybius, belonged to the last. He describes the fall of the Roman state, as his model does the previous part. Of his _Histories_ only five books and a half, to the time of Gratian, 410, have descended to us. He was certainly a violent antagonist of the Christians, yet, nevertheless, the best writer of this period. AMMIANI MARCELLINI _Historiarum_, lib. xiv-x.x.xi. from the year 353-378 (the first thirteen books are lost). Probably a Christian, but yet no flatterer; and, notwithstanding his tiresome prolixity, highly instructive.

Together with the writers of general history already noticed at p.

437, we must here especially add to the abbreviators, PAULI OROSII _Hist._ lib. vii. and ZONARae _Annales_. The _Panegyrici Veteres_, from Diocletian to Theodosius, can only be used with circ.u.mspection.--The writers of church history, such as EUSEBIUS, in his _Hist. Eccles._ lib. x. and in his _Vita Constantini Magni_, lib. v. as well as his continuators, SOCRATES, THEODORET, SOZOMENUS, and EVAGRIUS, are also highly important for the political history of this period, though, from their partiality towards the Christian emperors, they should rather be cla.s.sed with the panegyrists than the historians. To these may be added another princ.i.p.al source, viz. the _Const.i.tutions_ of the emperors, which have been preserved in the _Codex Theodosia.n.u.s_ and _Justinianeus_, from the time of Constantine the Great.

Besides the works quoted at pages 411, 437, the Byzantine historians here become of importance. We shall mention also:

_Histoire du Bas-Empire depuis Constantin_, _par_ M. LE BEAU, _continuee par_ M. AMEILHON. Paris, 1824, 20 vols. 8vo. The first seven parts only belong to this period.

# The German translation of GUTHRIE and GRAY'S _Universal History_, 5 sections, 1 vol. Leipsic, 1768. Rendered very useful by the labours of Ritter.

_Histoire du Bas-Empire, depuis Constantin jusqu' a la prise de Constantinople en 1453_, _par_ CARENTIN ROYOU. Paris, 1803, 4 vols.

8vo. A useful abridgement, without much research.

1. The reign of C. Valerius Diocletian, aged 39-60, proclaimed emperor after the murder of Numeria.n.u.s, by the troops in Chalcedon, begins a new section in Roman history. To the period of military despotism succeeded the period of part.i.tions. After Diocletian had defeated Carinus the yet remaining Caesar, in Upper Moesia, where he was a.s.sa.s.sinated, he made M.

Valerius Maximia.n.u.s Herculius, a rough warrior who had hitherto been his comrade in arms, the sharer of his throne. Herculius now contended with the Alemanni and Burgundians on the banks of the Rhine, while Diocletian himself made head against the Persians. Nevertheless, the two Augusti soon found themselves unable to withstand the barbarians, who were pressing forward on every side, more especially as Carausius had usurped and maintained the t.i.tle of Caesar in Britain. Each of them, therefore, created a Caesar: Diocletian chose C. Galerius, and Maximia.n.u.s Flavius Constantius Chlorus, both of whom had distinguished themselves as generals, at that time the only road to advancement. The whole empire was now divided between these four rulers; so that each had certain provinces to govern and defend; without detriment, however, to the unity of the whole, or to the dependence in which a Caesar stood as the subordinate a.s.sistant and future successor of his Augustus.

In the part.i.tion, 292, Diocletian possessed the eastern provinces; Galerius, Thrace, and the countries on the Danube (Illyric.u.m); Maximia.n.u.s, Italy, Africa, and the islands; and Constantius, the western provinces of Gaul, Spain, Britain, and Mauritania.

2. This new system could not but have a striking effect upon the spirit of the government. It was now not only in fact, but also in form, entirely in the hands of the rulers. By their continual absence from Rome they became freed from that moral restraint in which the authority of the senate, and the name of the republic, not yet entirely laid aside, had held before them. Diocletian formally a.s.sumed the diadem, and, with the ornaments of the east, introduced its luxuries into his court. Thus was laid the foundation of that structure which Constantine the Great had to complete.

3. The consequences of this new system became also oppressive to the provinces, inasmuch as they had now to maintain four rulers, with their courts, and as many armies. But however loud might be the complaints of the oppression occasioned thereby, it was, perhaps, the only means of deferring the final overthrow of the whole edifice. In fact, they succeeded not only in defeating the usurpers, Allectus in Britain (who had murdered Carausius in 293), Julian in Africa, and Achilleus in Egypt; but also in defending the frontiers, which, indeed, by the victories of Galerius over the Persians, they extended as far as the Tigris. Did not, however, the gloomy perspective present itself, that among so many rulers, and the undefined relations which existed between the Caesars and the emperors, the union could not be of long continuance?

4. Diocletian voluntarily abdicated the throne (although the growing power and encroaching disposition of Galerius might perhaps have had some influence), and obliged his colleague Maximia.n.u.s to do the same.

The two Caesars, Constantius and Galerius, were proclaimed Augusti, and altered the division of the empire, so that the former possessed all the western countries, of which, however, he freely ceded Italy and Africa to Galerius, who had all the remaining provinces. The latter, during the same year, created Flavius Severus, Caesar, and confided to him the government of Italy and Africa; as he did also C. Galerius Maximin, to whom he gave the Asiatic provinces. The administration of the two emperors, however, was very different; Constantius was as much beloved for his mild and disinterested government, as Galerius was hated for his harshness and prodigality. Constantius died very soon after at York, leaving his son Constantine heir to his dominions, who was immediately proclaimed Augustus by the legions, although Galerius would only acknowledge him as Caesar.

5. Thus Constantine, who afterwards obtained the surname of Great, began to rule, aged 33-64, though at first only over Britain, Spain, and Gaul; nevertheless, after seventeen years of violence and warfare, he succeeded in opening himself a way to the sole dominion of the empire.

The rulers disagreed among themselves; and formidable usurpers started up and rendered war inevitable.

The history of the first seven years of Constantine, 306-313, is very complicated; after that, he had only one rival to struggle with, 314-323. At his accession, Galerius, as Augustus, was in possession of all the other provinces; of which, however, he had given to Caesar Maximin the government of those of Asia, and to Caesar Severus, now created Augustus, Italy and Africa. The latter, however, rendering himself odious by his oppression, Maxentius, the son of the former emperor, Maximia.n.u.s, a.s.sumed the t.i.tle of Augustus at Rome (Oct. 28, 306), and a.s.sociated his father with himself in the government; so that at this time there were six rulers: Galerius, Severus, Constantine, Maximin, and the usurpers Maxentius and his father Maximia.n.u.s. But in the year 307, Severus, wishing to oppose Maxentius, was abandoned by his own troops, upon which he surrendered himself to Maximia.n.u.s, who caused him to be executed. In his place Galerius created his friend Licinius, Augustus; and Maximin obtained the same dignity from his army in Asia. In the mean time, Maximia.n.u.s, after having endeavoured to supplant his own son in Rome, fled to Constantine, who had crossed over into Gaul and there defeated the Franks, 306; but having made an attempt upon the life of Constantine, who had married his daughter Fausta, that emperor caused him to be put to death, 310. As the excesses of Galerius soon brought him to the grave, 311, there only remained Constantine, Licinius, and Maximin, and the usurper Maxentius. The latter was soon defeated and slain, 312, before the gates of Rome, by Constantine, who thereby became master of Italy and the capital. A war having broken out about the same time between Maximin and Licinius, Maximin was defeated near Adrianople, and then killed himself, 313. The year 314 brought on a war between the two remaining emperors, Constantine and Licinius, which, however, ended the same year in an accommodation, by which Constantine obtained all the countries on the south bank of the Danube, as well as Thrace and Moesia Inferior; it broke out again, however, in 322, and was finally terminated by a decisive victory in Bithynia, and the total overthrow of Licinius, whom Constantine put to death, 324.

6. However opposite may be the opinions formed respecting the reign of Constantine the Great, its consequences are perfectly plain. Although he annihilated military despotism, he established in its stead, if not completely, yet in great measure, the despotism of the court, and likewise the power of the hierarchy. He had already, during his expedition against Maxentius, decided in favour of the Christian religion; and since he thereby gained a vast number of partisans in all the provinces, and weakened at the same time the power of his co-emperors, or compet.i.tors, it was the surest way he could have taken to obtain sole dominion, the great object of his ambition. This change must nevertheless have had very considerable influence on every part of the government, as he found in the previously established hierarchy a powerful support of the throne; and since he, in concert with it, settled what was, and what was not the orthodox doctrine, he introduced a spirit of persecution heretofore unknown.

At a period in which religious parties must almost necessarily have become political parties, we can by no means venture to judge of the importance of the sect by the importance of their points of doctrine.

The quarrels of the Arians, which arose at this time, gave Constantine, by the council of Nice, 325, the opportunity he wished for, of making good his authority in religious legislation.

7. The removal of the seat of empire from Rome to Constantinople was connected with this change in the form of worship--as a Christian court would have been awkwardly situated in a city still altogether pagan--although the need there was of protecting the frontiers against the Goths and Persians had a considerable share therein. It did, indeed, become the princ.i.p.al means of establishing the despotism of the court; but those who regard it as one of the causes of the decline of the empire, should remember, that for an empire fallen so low as the Roman was at this time, despotism was almost the only support that remained.

The various part.i.tions of the empire from the time of Diocletian, had led the way to this change of the capital; because a natural result of that system was, that the emperors and Caesars, when not with the army as they usually were, would reside in different cities. The seat of Diocletian's government was at Nicomedia; of Maximian's, at Milan; even Constantine himself remained but very little at Rome. In these new residences they felt themselves unfettered; and therefore, although the Roman senate existed till after the time of Constantine, its authority must have fallen of itself from the time of Diocletian.

8. We ought not, therefore, to wonder that the consequence of this removal was so complete a change in the whole form of government, that after a short time it seemed to be altogether a different state. A part.i.tion of the empire was made, which, though it might in part have been founded on those which had previously existed, was yet so different, that it not only changed the ancient divisions of the provinces, but completely altered their mode of government.--The court, with the exception of polygamy, a.s.sumed entirely the form of an eastern court.--A revolution also had taken place in the military system, by the complete separation of the civil and military authorities, which the praetorian praefects had hitherto possessed, but who now became merely civil governors.

According to the new division the whole empire was divided into four _praefectures_, each of which had its _dioceses_, and each diocese its _provinces_. The praefectures were: I. The eastern (_praefectura Orientis_); it contained five dioceses; 1. _Orientis_; 2. _aegypti_; 3. _Asiae_; 4. _Ponti_; 5. _Thraciae_; forming altogether forty-eight provinces, and comprising all the countries of Asia and Egypt, together with the frontier countries of Libya and Thrace. II.

_Praefectura Illyrici_, containing two dioceses; 1. _Macedoniae_; 2.

_Daciae_; forming eleven provinces, and comprising Moesia, Macedon, Greece, and Crete. III. _Praefectura Italiae_, containing three dioceses; 1. _Italiae_; 2. _Illyrici_; 3. _Africae_; forming twenty-nine provinces, and comprising Italy, the countries on the south of the Danube, as far as the boundaries of Moesia; the islands of Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica, and the African provinces of the Syrtis. IV.

_Praefectura Galliarum_, containing three dioceses; 1. _Galliae_; 2.

_Hispaniae_; 3. _Britanniae_; forming altogether twenty-eight provinces, and comprising Spain and the Balearian islands, Gaul, Helvetia, and Britain.--Each of these praefectures was under a _praefectus praetorio_ (praetorian praefect), but who was merely a civil governor, and had under him _vicarios_, in the dioceses, as well as the _rectores provinciarum_, of various ranks and t.i.tles. They were named _proconsules praesides_, etc. Besides these, Rome and Constantinople, not being included in any of the four praefectures, had each its praefect.

As princ.i.p.al officers of state and the court (_s. cubiculi_), we now for the first time meet with the _praepositus s. cubiculi_ (grand-chamberlain), under whom were all the _comites palatii_ and _cubicularii_, in four divisions; these, at a later period, were frequently eunuchs of great influence; the _magister officiorum_ (chancellor, minister of the interior); the _comes sacrarum largitiorum_ (minister of the finances); the _quaestor_ (the organ of the emperors in legislation; minister of justice and secretary of state); the _comes rei principis_ (minister of the crown-treasury) [privy-purse]; the two _comites domesticorum_ (commander of the household guards), each of whom had his corps (_scholas_) under him.

The number of the state officers and courtiers was continually increasing. If the good of a commonwealth consisted in forms, ranks, and t.i.tles, the Roman empire must at this time have been truly happy!

At the head of the troops were the _magistri peditum_ (masters of the infantry) and the _magistri equitum_ (masters of the horse), under the _magister utriusque militae_ (general in chief of the whole army).

Their subordinate commanders were called _comites_ and _duces_.

Constantine considerably reduced the army. In the arrangement of the troops he also made great alterations; these, however, were but of slight consequence compared with that which was produced by admitting into the service a continually increasing number of barbarians.

_Not.i.tia dignitatem utriusque Imperii c.u.m not._ PANCIROLLI GRaeV.

_Thesaur. Antiquitat. Rom._ vol. vii.

9. It would naturally be expected that these great changes should lead to others in the system of taxation. New taxes, or old ones revived, were added to those already existing, and became, by the manner in which they were collected, doubly oppressive. We shall particularly notice, _a._ The annual land-tax (_indictio_). _b._ The tax upon trade (_aurum l.u.s.trale_). _c._ The free gift (_don. gratuit._), now grown into an obligatory tax (_aurum coronarium_). To these we must add the munic.i.p.al expenses, which fell entirely upon the citizens, and especially upon the civic officers (_decuriones_), places which must have been generally held by the rich, as Constantine had in great measure appropriated the wealth of the cities to the endowment of churches, and the support of the clergy.

_a._ The land-tax, or _indiction_, which if not first introduced by Constantine was entirely regulated under him, was collected after an exact register, or public valuation, of all the landed estates. Its amount was yearly fixed and prescribed by the emperor (_indicebatur_), and levied by the rectors of provinces and the decurions; an arbitrary standard (_caput_) being taken as the rate of a.s.sessment.