A. Lincoln_ A Biography Part 14

As Lincoln traveled through New England, he became aware of what was being called "the great shoemakers' strike." The strike began in Lynn, Ma.s.sachusetts, but quickly spread to other New England states. Controversy raged over the rights of shoemakers to strike for better wages and conditions. Lincoln, responding to the strikes, declared at Hartford, "I am glad to know that there is a system of labor where the laborer can strike if he wants to! I would to G.o.d that such a system prevailed all over the world."

After completing his speech, Lincoln was escorted to his hotel by the "Wide-Awakes," a newly formed group of young Republican men who marched in solemn military procession with torches held aloft. They adopted their name from a recent Hartford Courant Hartford Courant description of them as "wide awake." The men, who wore glazed hats and capes to shield them from the oil of the torches, injected color into political campaigns and sheltered Republican marchers from the brickbats of Democratic spectators. description of them as "wide awake." The men, who wore glazed hats and capes to shield them from the oil of the torches, injected color into political campaigns and sheltered Republican marchers from the brickbats of Democratic spectators.

The next evening, Lincoln took the night express train from Bridgeport, Connecticut, to New York. After hearing Dr. Beecher one more time on Sunday morning, he asked to visit the Five Points House of Industry, an industrial mission reaching out to abandoned children established in 1852 by Lewis M. Pease, an inventive Methodist minister.

On Monday, March 12, 1860, after more than two weeks in the East, Lincoln departed on the Erie Railroad across New York. He was in demand for more speeches but had decided it was time to return west with bracing Eastern political winds at his back. New York and New England had proved to be decisive in his journey of self-discovery.

LINCOLN FELT TIRED but renewed upon his return to Springfield. His trip to New York, and his often overlooked circuit of New England, had turned out to be a listening as well as a speaking tour. In places that he had only read about, he heard from new friends about possibilities for higher political office that he had barely allowed himself to think about not many months before. Back home, his old friends rushed to offer "earnest congratulations" for his success in the East. Newspaper conjecture about Lincoln and the Republicans' convention in Chicago rushed ahead. The but renewed upon his return to Springfield. His trip to New York, and his often overlooked circuit of New England, had turned out to be a listening as well as a speaking tour. In places that he had only read about, he heard from new friends about possibilities for higher political office that he had barely allowed himself to think about not many months before. Back home, his old friends rushed to offer "earnest congratulations" for his success in the East. Newspaper conjecture about Lincoln and the Republicans' convention in Chicago rushed ahead. The Chicago Press & Tribune Chicago Press & Tribune and the and the Illinois State Journal Illinois State Journal had kept their readers abreast of Lincoln's speaking tour by printing the accolades from the New York and New England newspapers. The Cooper Union address, published in pamphlet form by the had kept their readers abreast of Lincoln's speaking tour by printing the accolades from the New York and New England newspapers. The Cooper Union address, published in pamphlet form by the New York Tribune, New York Tribune, was about to be published by the was about to be published by the Illinois State Journal. Illinois State Journal. Herndon observed that Lincoln's "recent success had stimulated his self-confidence." It was as if the affirmation he had received in New York and New England finally convinced a cautious Lincoln that he had the support to seek the highest office in the land. Herndon observed, "It was apparent now to Lincoln that the Presidential nomination was within his reach." Herndon observed that Lincoln's "recent success had stimulated his self-confidence." It was as if the affirmation he had received in New York and New England finally convinced a cautious Lincoln that he had the support to seek the highest office in the land. Herndon observed, "It was apparent now to Lincoln that the Presidential nomination was within his reach."

In the last week of March, Lincoln traveled to Chicago to partic.i.p.ate in the "Sandbar Case" before Judge Thomas Drummond in the federal court. While in Chicago, sculptor Leonard Volk asked him to sit for a bust. Volk had studied sculpture in Italy, a trip sponsored by his brother-in-law, Stephen Douglas. Honoring Lincoln's busy schedule, Volk decided to keep the sessions to a minimum by beginning with a life mask. Lincoln endured with good humor the process of letting wet plaster dry on his face and then Volk's removing it by stretching his skin.

Lincoln's success in the East evidenced itself in expanded support in Illinois. At the end of February 1860, the Republican National Committee had announced they were moving the starting date of the Chicago convention up from June 13 to May 16. In March and April, Lincoln and his advisers set out to translate this surge of goodwill into hard votes at the rapidly approaching convention.

An unexpected benefit of speaking in Ohio, Kansas, New York, and New England was a new group of friends and self-appointed advisers. From Columbus, Samuel Galloway, a lawyer and politician, wrote to offer an astute evaluation of the other candidates in the field. He wanted Lincoln to know that "there will be but little fervent attachment to Mr Chase in the Ohio delegation." Galloway predicted that "after one or two ballotings he will not receive more than 1/4th of the vote." As for Seward, he "will doubtless enter the Convention with the largest plurality vote-He cannot however be nominated unless Pennsylvania & New Jersey give him their votes." Lincoln must have been heartened when Galloway concluded, "The concurrent concurrent opinion of our most intelligent politicians is that either you or Bates will be nominated." opinion of our most intelligent politicians is that either you or Bates will be nominated."

Lincoln, in his reply, revealed his thinking on his chances. "My name is new in the field; and I suppose I am not the first the first choice of a very great many." Starting from this a.s.sumption, Lincoln laid out his campaign strategy. "Our policy, then, is to give no offence to others-leave them in a mood to come to us, if they shall be compelled to give up their first love." choice of a very great many." Starting from this a.s.sumption, Lincoln laid out his campaign strategy. "Our policy, then, is to give no offence to others-leave them in a mood to come to us, if they shall be compelled to give up their first love."

From Connecticut, James F. Babc.o.c.k, editor of the New Haven Palladium New Haven Palladium and host for Lincoln's lecture in March, wrote, "I have heard your name mentioned more freely than ever in Connection with the Chicago nomination, and by some who have had other views, or whose feelings were previously committed in favor of another." Connecticut and Rhode Island, unlike Ma.s.sachusetts, were conservative states that would not back Seward. and host for Lincoln's lecture in March, wrote, "I have heard your name mentioned more freely than ever in Connection with the Chicago nomination, and by some who have had other views, or whose feelings were previously committed in favor of another." Connecticut and Rhode Island, unlike Ma.s.sachusetts, were conservative states that would not back Seward.

Lincoln replied to Babc.o.c.k in a tone both curious and cautious. "As to the Presidential nomination, claiming no greater exemption from selfishness than is common, I still feel that my whole aspiration should be, and therefore must be, to be placed anywhere, or nowhere, as may appear most likely to advance our cause." While not making known his intentions to Babc.o.c.k, he did include the names of eleven "confidential friends" in Ohio, Iowa, and Illinois "with whom you might correspond."

On April 29, 1860, two and a half weeks before the Republican convention in Chicago, Lincoln offered his most direct comment yet on his candidacy. Senator Trumbull had written Lincoln with a detailed evaluation of the various candidates, and asked "to be put fully in possession of your views." Lincoln replied, "As you request, I will be entirely frank. The taste is is in my mouth, a little." The "a little" has often been left off Lincoln's declaration when quoted. Lincoln's letter was significant because it showed him willing to discuss with Trumbull the strengths and weaknesses of Seward, Bates, and Judge John McLean, the latter being the candidate Trumbull favored. in my mouth, a little." The "a little" has often been left off Lincoln's declaration when quoted. Lincoln's letter was significant because it showed him willing to discuss with Trumbull the strengths and weaknesses of Seward, Bates, and Judge John McLean, the latter being the candidate Trumbull favored.

When Lincoln wrote Trumbull, he was still awaiting the results of the Democratic convention in Charleston, South Carolina, "to know who is to lead our adversaries." He understood that the choice of the Democratic candidate in Charleston could well influence the choice of the Republican candidate in Chicago. He would have a long wait.

The Democratic convention had begun on April 23, 1860, with a clash between Douglas supporters' promotion of popular sovereignty and Southern delegates' insistence on a federal slave code for the territories. The discordant convention culminated in fifty delegates from Southern states walking out. After ten days and fifty-seven ballots, unable to nominate their presidential candidate, the convention disbanded on May 3 with the decision to meet again six weeks later in the friendlier environs of Baltimore.

IT HAS OFTEN been suggested that Lincoln was his own political manager, but this judgment does not explain the effectiveness of his campaign. Offered as a way to extol Lincoln's political genius, it actually undervalues the astute ways he worked with colleagues. Lincoln's genius was his ability to draw upon the talents of others, meld together diverse personalities who often did not trust one another, and then listen to their advice, recognizing that it was sometimes wiser than his own. been suggested that Lincoln was his own political manager, but this judgment does not explain the effectiveness of his campaign. Offered as a way to extol Lincoln's political genius, it actually undervalues the astute ways he worked with colleagues. Lincoln's genius was his ability to draw upon the talents of others, meld together diverse personalities who often did not trust one another, and then listen to their advice, recognizing that it was sometimes wiser than his own.

David Davis laid aside his judicial robes to become Lincoln's campaign manager in 1860. Lincoln said of his corpulent friend, "I keep no secrets from him." Leonard Swett, inseparable from Lincoln and Davis on the Eighth Judicial Circuit, told Lincoln in December 1854 to use him in any way that could help him and continued, unceasingly, to offer his services in all of Lincoln's election campaigns. Norman Judd, the former anti-Nebraska Democrat whom Trumbull described as "the shrewdest politician ... in the State," was Lincoln's key adviser in 1858 and would play a crucial role in 1860.

Lincoln's advisers, many self-appointed, never functioned as a single, organized group, instead relating to Lincoln singly or in groups of three or four. They served as his agents in the quite different northern, central, and southern sections of Illinois. Up until the spring of 1860, advisory meetings were mostly held on an on-call basis, related to Lincoln's being in the vicinity or to deal with a specific problem or issue.

In early May 1860, delegates converged on Decatur for the state Republican convention. Lincoln's advisers realized it was crucial that he arrive in Chicago with the unanimous support of the Illinois delegation with its twenty-two votes, but this would not be easy, as Seward enjoyed support in northern Illinois and Bates in southern Illinois. Lincoln arrived on May 8 but did not plan to partic.i.p.ate in the meeting. On May 9, Decatur resident Richard J. Oglesby, chairman of the convention, announced, "I am informed that a distinguished citizen of Illinois, and one whom Illinois will ever delight to honor, is present, and I wish to move that this body invite him to a seat on the stand." With a flair for the dramatic, he paused and finally shouted: "Abraham Lincoln!" Cheers shook the fragile tent. Lincoln was found, apprehended, and to his surprise began to be pa.s.sed "kicking, scrambling-crawling-upon the sea of heads" to the stage at the front of the tent. When Lincoln was finally upright, he "rose bowing and blushing," and thanked the convention for their "Manifestations of Esteem."

The dramatics had only begun. Oglesby was about to become yet another friend who wished to define Lincoln. He announced that an "Old Democrat had something he wished to present to this meeting." The cry went up: "Receive it!-Receive it!" Nineteenth-century politics was replete with political nicknames: "Old Hickory" in 1828, "Tippecanoe and Tyler Too" in 1840, and "The Pathfinder" in 1856. By 1860, Lincoln was most often referred to as "Old Abe." Oglesby was certain that sobriquet was not sufficient.

Oglesby knew that old John Hanks, the first cousin of Lincoln's mother, who as a young man had lived on and off with the Lincolns for four years in Indiana, was a resident of Decatur. Hanks was a Democrat, but no matter. Oglesby got in touch with Hanks and went with him to get some black walnut and honey locust rails that Lincoln and Hanks had split together thirty years earlier during Lincoln's first year in Illinois.

From the back of the tent, John Hanks and a friend marched triumphantly in carrying two rails and a banner that read: ABRAHAM LINCOLNThe Rail CandidateFOR PRESIDENT IN 1860TWO RAILS FROM A LOT OF 3,000 MADE IN 1830BY THOS. HANKS AND ABE LINCOLN-WHOSEFATHER WAS THE FIRST PIONEER IN MACON COUNTY The banner was not completely correct, for it was John, the bearer of the sign, who had split the rails, and Thomas Lincoln was not the first pioneer in Macon County. But no one in the a.s.sembly cared about accuracy at that moment as they burst into applause that went on for more than ten minutes. When Lincoln finally stood to acknowledge their acclaim, he recalled that when he immigrated to Illinois he spent a season in Macon County and helped cultivate a farm on the Sangamon River, where he built a cabin and "split rails."

"Honest Abe" could not vouch that he had split the rails brought to the tent, but "he had mauled many and many better ones since he had grown to manhood." The cheers started up again. The symbol of "the Rail Splitter," pointing to the rights of free labor as opposed to slave labor, added a new emotion to the Lincoln boom.

ON MAY 12, 1860, Harper's Weekly Harper's Weekly published a double-page ill.u.s.trations displaying the faces of eleven "prominent candidates" for the Republican nomination to be decided at Chicago. Front and center in the lithograph was the craggy face of Seward. In the bottom row, to the left, was the Brady photograph of Lincoln. The biographies of the contenders were on another page. Lincoln's biography was the last and the least. published a double-page ill.u.s.trations displaying the faces of eleven "prominent candidates" for the Republican nomination to be decided at Chicago. Front and center in the lithograph was the craggy face of Seward. In the bottom row, to the left, was the Brady photograph of Lincoln. The biographies of the contenders were on another page. Lincoln's biography was the last and the least.

Harper's Weekly published on May 12, 1860, images of all the candidates for the Republican presidential nomination. Lincoln's image is far away from the center, which is occupied by William Seward, an indication of the magazine's estimation of their chances for the nomination.

Special trains crammed full of delegates began arriving in Chicago on May 12 and 13, 1860. Most Republicans came to Chicago expecting that a man of great reputation and long public service would be the nominee. Seward and Chase, both of whom had served as senator and governor, fit that bill. Both had strong antislavery credentials, with Chase to the left of Seward. However, after attacks on Republicans about the John Brown affair, many delegates were eager to embrace a more moderate voice as their standard-bearer in 1860. Simon Cameron, a tall Scot, newspaper editor, businessman, and senator, could fit that profile, but a reputation for unsavory business practices stuck with him, and he was having trouble picking up support beyond his native Pennsylvania. One time slaveholder Edward Bates, living tranquilly in St. Louis, was not presently holding elective office but had advanced his candidacy by writing public and private letters. Lincoln thought highly of Bates's chances as a safe, conservative alternative to Seward and Chase. Bates's major stumbling block was his nativist record, which frightened the large German populations in Illinois and Wisconsin. Editor Horace Greeley, once a strong supporter of Seward but now a major player in the stop-Seward movement, was putting his chips on Bates. a.s.sociate Supreme Court Justice John McLean was seventy-five years old in 1860 but appealed to some who embraced the safe values of the past. Lincoln had supported his candidacy for the Republican nomination in 1856.

Chicago was a jaunty city of more than one hundred thousand people whose jerry-built buildings hollered that it was a city in a hurry. Rapidly becoming the manufacturing and trade center of the Midwest, the city boasted fifteen railroads. The spires of fifty-six churches dominated the skyline. Most of the streets were paved only with long oak planks, beneath which lived an army of rats that came out each night to ravage the city's uncollected garbage. The arriving delegates encountered buildings decorated with festive banners and bunting. The fastest growing city in America wanted to put on its best face-a largely Republican one-which could lend a hand to "Old Abe." The center of activity was "the Wigwam," a structure 100 by 180 feet, built to accommodate ten thousand people. Inside the Wigwam were patriotic displays of state coats of arms, flags, and busts of distinguished Americans.

The Republican convention met in the Wigwam, a tentlike structure built to hold upward of ten thousand people.

On May 12, 1860, David Davis arrived in Chicago to find that all the major candidates had established headquarters except Lincoln. He promptly rented two rooms at the Tremont House, paid the bill from his own pocket, and went to work around the clock. He drew together an inner circle of managers: lawyers from the old Eighth Circuit such as Leonard Swett, Stephen Logan, and Henry C. Whitney; several of Lincoln's political colleagues, including Norman Judd, Jesse Fell, Jesse Dubois, and Ozias Hatch; and newspapermen Joseph Medill and Charles Ray. Davis gave each man specific a.s.signments. Almost everyone in Illinois was from somewhere else, so Davis dispatched his a.s.sociates to visit the delegations of their home states: Richard Yates and Stephen Logan to work on delegates from Kentucky; Swett to speak with delegates from Maine; and Ward Hill Lamon, an old lawyer friend, to lobby the Virginia delegation. Orville Browning had told Lincoln in February he was supporting Bates, but he had a change of heart and proved invaluable in speaking with delegates leaning toward the St. Louisian.

The ma.s.sive Davis sat behind a large table receiving reports from his lieutenants. From time to time, he would speak with an arriving state delegation. A critical delegation was Indiana, with twenty-six votes, which arrived with a majority for Bates. Davis understood that Lincoln, aside from being simply a favorite son, needed to garner votes from some other states on the first ballot if he was to make a move on the second and third ballots. It was Davis's policy not to put other candidates down, but to lift Lincoln up. His purpose was to secure pledges that Lincoln would be a delegation's second choice to which they would turn if their first choice faltered.

In Springfield, Lincoln was biding his time between his law office and the telegraph office on the north side of the public square. The accepted protocol was that candidates not appear at conventions. Lincoln told Swett, "He was almost too much of a candidate to go, and not quite enough to stay home." Lincoln's team in Chicago was a good deal more confident than the candidate himself. On May 13, 1860, Dubois wired Lincoln, "We are here in great confusion things this evening look as favorable as we had any right to expect."

On Tuesday, May 14, 1860, one day before the convention opened, the Chicago Press & Tribune Chicago Press & Tribune ran a huge headline: "The Winning Man-Abraham Lincoln." Lincoln received numerous telegrams from friends and advisers in Chicago. Nathan M. Knapp, chairman of the Scott County Republican Committee, who had long believed that Lincoln did not fully appreciate "his own power," sent a telegram after conversations with the Indiana delegation. "Things are working; keep a good nerve-be not surprised at any result." He told Lincoln, "We are laboring to make you the second choice of all the Delegations we can where we cannot make you first choice." ran a huge headline: "The Winning Man-Abraham Lincoln." Lincoln received numerous telegrams from friends and advisers in Chicago. Nathan M. Knapp, chairman of the Scott County Republican Committee, who had long believed that Lincoln did not fully appreciate "his own power," sent a telegram after conversations with the Indiana delegation. "Things are working; keep a good nerve-be not surprised at any result." He told Lincoln, "We are laboring to make you the second choice of all the Delegations we can where we cannot make you first choice."

On this tumultuous Tuesday, some of Lincoln's friends were signaling him that it might help if he were present in Chicago to make his case and answer questions, but Davis and Dubois were adamant: "Dont come unless we send for you." Editor Ray of the Chicago Tribune Chicago Tribune sent what Lincoln must have received as a mixed message. "Don't be too sanguine. Matters now look well and as things stand to-day I had rather have your chances than those of any other man. But don't get excited." sent what Lincoln must have received as a mixed message. "Don't be too sanguine. Matters now look well and as things stand to-day I had rather have your chances than those of any other man. But don't get excited."

The convention opened at noon on Wednesday, May 16, 1860. As the proceedings began in the Wigwam, twice as many watched outside as could fit inside. The first afternoon was devoted to organization and the appointment of committees.

Thursday, May 17, 1860, a warm, balmy day, was devoted to the adoption of the platform, which tempered the tone but not the basic conviction of the 1856 convention's condemnation of the extension of slavery. The platform also contained planks that Lincoln had long supported: a protective tariff, dear to the hearts of Pennsylvania and New Jersey delegates; federal support for rivers and harbors, important for Chicago and Detroit; a homestead act for free land, which was imperative for farmers in the West and for German-Americans; and building a railroad to the Pacific Ocean, supported by delegates from Iowa, Missouri, Oregon, and California.

The Illinois delegation took little part in the public platform debates because they were trolling for votes in private meetings with key delegations. The Lincoln camp knew that Seward was strongest in the northern tier of states where Republicans could expect to win in 1860-Maine, Ma.s.sachusetts, New York, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Mnnesota. The most intense attention was focused on the four crucial states that Buchanan had won in 1856-Illinois, Indiana, Pennsylvania, and New Jersey.

On the same day, Edward L. Baker, editor of the Illinois State Journal, Illinois State Journal, arrived in Chicago. He brought with him a copy of the arrived in Chicago. He brought with him a copy of the Missouri Democrat, Missouri Democrat, which he handed to Davis. Lincoln had written in pencil on the edge of the paper: "Make no contracts that will bind me." It has long been debated how Davis did or did not act upon this message. At the time, he was negotiating with Pennsylvania and its rich harvest of fifty-four votes. If Senator Simon Cameron of Pennsylvania could be offered a cabinet post, it might make the difference, but Lincoln was signaling that he would have none of it. Davis may have offered a position to Cameron, but it is more likely he said that certainly Pennsylvania would deserve a place in a Lincoln cabinet. Lincoln's terse instruction revealed his earliest thought on the way he intended to govern. which he handed to Davis. Lincoln had written in pencil on the edge of the paper: "Make no contracts that will bind me." It has long been debated how Davis did or did not act upon this message. At the time, he was negotiating with Pennsylvania and its rich harvest of fifty-four votes. If Senator Simon Cameron of Pennsylvania could be offered a cabinet post, it might make the difference, but Lincoln was signaling that he would have none of it. Davis may have offered a position to Cameron, but it is more likely he said that certainly Pennsylvania would deserve a place in a Lincoln cabinet. Lincoln's terse instruction revealed his earliest thought on the way he intended to govern.

IN CHICAGO, balloting commenced on Friday, May 18, 1860, at 10 a.m. Davis may have been the campaign manager, but no one had prepared for this day longer than Judd. As the one who had secured the convention for Chicago, he took charge of seating arrangements, placing the New York and Pennsylvania delegations at opposite ends of the Wigwam where they would have great difficulty conversing. As a railroad lawyer, he arranged for special excursion fares to bring Lincoln supporters from all over the state. Finally, Judd had extra tickets printed, so that on Friday morning additional Lincoln supporters arrived at the Wigwam early, thereby denying places to Seward supporters. Once inside, the Lincoln "shouters" drowned out the outnumbered Seward backers.

In Springfield, Lincoln braced himself for rebuff once again. At eight-thirty he walked over to James Conkling's law office located over Chatterton's jewelry store. Lincoln had learned that Conkling, who had been at the Republican convention, had unexpectedly returned from Chicago. Conkling was out, but later in the morning Lincoln found his friend in. Stretching his long frame on an old settee by the front window, Lincoln asked Conkling what he expected to happen that day at the convention. Conkling answered that he believed Lincoln would be nominated because there was so much opposition to Seward. Lincoln replied that "he hardly thought this possible," and that if Seward was blocked, the nomination would go to Bates or Chase. Lincoln presently declared, "Well, Conkling, I believe I will go back to my office and practice law. "

In Chicago, Seward's name was the first to be placed in nomination by the renowned lawyer William M. Evarts. Judd stood second to nominate Lincoln. Caleb B. Smith of Indiana, who had served in Congress with Lincoln, seconded the nomination.

The clerk began the balloting, not by alphabetical order, as is the custom today, but by geographical order. The clerk shouted, "Maine." Maine gave ten votes to Seward and six votes to Lincoln: surprise. But Maine's split vote was no surprise to Davis and his lieutenants. New York cast its seventy votes for Seward. No surprise.

In Springfield, just before noon, editor Baker burst into Lincoln's office with the results of the first ballot: Seward 173; Lincoln 102; Cameron 50; Chase 49; Bates 48; and McLean 12. Lincoln and his advisers believed that Seward had arrived in Chicago with at least 150 votes. Lincoln knew that Seward's vote total had to include all 70 votes from New York, the largest state. This meant Seward had barely more than 100 votes from the other delegations. The most heartening news was that Indiana cast all of its 26 votes for Lincoln. Lincoln had told Browning that Bates could well be the benefactor of the stop-Seward movement, but no state gave the majority of its votes to Bates. Two hundred thirty-three votes were needed for the nomination.

In Chicago, delegates cried out, "Call the Roll," eager for the second ballot to begin. Vermont. The Green Mountain state, which had given its ten votes on the first ballot to favorite son Senator Jacob Col-lamer, called out, "Ten votes for Lincoln." Lincoln garnered five new votes from Rhode Island and Connecticut, where he had spoken so effectively not more than two months earlier. The Keystone state, Pennsylvania, which every delegate knew was critical to a Republican victory in 1860, after some delay, called out "Forty-eight votes for Lincoln." A gain of forty-four votes. The vast army of Lincoln supporters inside and outside the Wigwam shouted and cheered. Delaware changed all six of its votes from Bates to Lincoln. The clerk continued, with Lincoln picking up a few votes here and there as the roll call moved west.

William H. Seward, senator from New York, arrived in Chicago as the leading candidate.

The results of the second balloting were announced: Seward 184; Lincoln 181; Chase 42; Bates 35; Dayton 10; McLean 8; Cameron 2; and Clay 2. Lincoln had picked up seventy-nine votes while Seward gained only eleven. Instantly, everyone knew Lincoln was gaining.

In Springfield, Lincoln was fidgety. He decided to walk over to the Illinois and Mississippi telegraph office to see if there were any new telegrams. Finding none, he proceeded to the offices of the Illinois State Journal. Illinois State Journal. On the way over he stopped to talk with some young men with whom he had played the game of "fives," an early form of handball, on the previous day. After a few minutes, a telegram arrived with the surprising results of the second ballot. On the way over he stopped to talk with some young men with whom he had played the game of "fives," an early form of handball, on the previous day. After a few minutes, a telegram arrived with the surprising results of the second ballot.

In Chicago, the third ballot began immediately amid tremendous excitement inside and outside the Wigwam. Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont: no changes. Ma.s.sachusetts took four votes from Seward and gave them to Lincoln. Lincoln also gained in Rhode Island, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Kentucky. The clerk called Ohio. Lincoln had spoken in Ohio and earned friends there. Medill, who had lived in Ohio for more than twenty years before moving to Chicago, had been sitting in and working on the Ohio delegation. The Wigwam gasped when Ohio awarded Lincoln twenty-nine votes, a pickup of fifteen.

As the roll call moved west, hundreds of pencils scratched everywhere, keeping a running tally. Lincoln had now reached 231. He needed only one and a half more votes to be nominated. David Cartter, chairman of the Ohio delegation, a Cleveland lawyer, rose to speak in a Wigwam suddenly silent. "I-I a-a-rise, Mr. Chairman, to a-a-nounce"-Cartter stuttered, as he always did-"the c-c-change of f-four votes, from Mr. Chase to Abraham Lincoln."

In Springfield, where Lincoln sat in a large armchair in the offices of the Journal, the Journal, a telegram was run in telling him he was nominated on the third ballot. Another telegram, moments later, told him that the New York delegation moved to make the nomination unanimous. More and more telegrams poured in, including one from Nathan Knapp: "We did it-glory to G.o.d." Lincoln accepted congratulations all around. Presently he told the growing throng of friends, "Well gentlemen there is a little woman at our house who is probably more interested in this dispatch than I am." a telegram was run in telling him he was nominated on the third ballot. Another telegram, moments later, told him that the New York delegation moved to make the nomination unanimous. More and more telegrams poured in, including one from Nathan Knapp: "We did it-glory to G.o.d." Lincoln accepted congratulations all around. Presently he told the growing throng of friends, "Well gentlemen there is a little woman at our house who is probably more interested in this dispatch than I am."

Shortly after Lincoln's nomination as the Republican candidate, he sat for this photograph in Springfield at the suggestion of campaign biographer Joseph H. Barrett.

CHAPTER 15.

Justice and Fairness to All May 1860November 1860 LINCOLN BEARS HIS HONORS MEEKLY.

ORVILLE BROWNINGDiary entry, June 12, 1860 -N THE EVENING OF MAY 18, 1860, A LARGE RALLY a.s.sEMBLED AT THE statehouse in Springfield. Picking up the symbol of the Rail Splitter, several hundred men arrived with rails, which they stacked at the statehouse doors like muskets. Afterward, a large parade wound its way to the Lincoln home. After a serenade, Lincoln told the cheering crowd he "did not suppose the honor of such a visit was intended particularly for himself, as a private citizen, but rather the representative of a great party." That evening, across the Midwest and the East, Republicans gathered in small and large communities for "ratification rallies." In the stacks of telegrams Lincoln received on May 18, David Davis, his campaign manager, counseled, "Write no letters & make no promises till You see me write me at Bloomington when to see you I must see you soon." statehouse in Springfield. Picking up the symbol of the Rail Splitter, several hundred men arrived with rails, which they stacked at the statehouse doors like muskets. Afterward, a large parade wound its way to the Lincoln home. After a serenade, Lincoln told the cheering crowd he "did not suppose the honor of such a visit was intended particularly for himself, as a private citizen, but rather the representative of a great party." That evening, across the Midwest and the East, Republicans gathered in small and large communities for "ratification rallies." In the stacks of telegrams Lincoln received on May 18, David Davis, his campaign manager, counseled, "Write no letters & make no promises till You see me write me at Bloomington when to see you I must see you soon."

Lincoln had learned in the early evening the convention had nominated Hannibal Hamlin of Maine for vice president. Hamlin, born the same year as Lincoln, 1809, taught school and published a Democratic newspaper before being admitted to the bar in 1833. A strong-willed Mainer, he sought to abolish the death penalty and was hostile to the extension of slavery. He was elected to Congress in 1843 and entered the Senate in 1848. His nomination balanced Lincoln, a former Whig from the West, with a former Democrat from the East. In the practice of mid-nineteenth-century politics it was not unusual that Lincoln would not be consulted about the choice of a vice presidential running mate.

The next day, George Ashmun of Ma.s.sachusetts, president of the convention, and various chairmen of state delegations-almost all of whom had originally supported other candidates-traveled to Springfield to bring the official notification of Lincoln's nomination. Carl Schurz, German-American leader from Wisconsin who was a strong supporter of Seward, recalled that Lincoln received the delegation in the north parlor of "his modest frame house." Most had never even seen Lincoln and looked at him "with surprised curiosity." Lincoln stood "tall and ungainly in his black suit of apparently new but ill-fitting clothes." Abraham and Mary had disagreed over whether to serve liquor or not. Lincoln, with great respect for the temperance movement, prevailed, and ice water was served. He also broke the demeanor of the stuffy notification ceremony when he asked a surprised Governor Edwin D. Morgan of New York what his height was. Walking out of the house, Judge William D. Kelley told Schurz, "Well, we might have done a more brilliant thing, but we could hardly have done a better thing."

AN IRONY OF THE 1860 campaign was that Lincoln stayed home in Springfield more than he ever had before, as was the custom of nineteenth-century politics. Lincoln believed his record to be in plain sight in his speeches, many of which were now being bundled together in campaign pamphlets. He told everyone he would be home for the summer. campaign was that Lincoln stayed home in Springfield more than he ever had before, as was the custom of nineteenth-century politics. Lincoln believed his record to be in plain sight in his speeches, many of which were now being bundled together in campaign pamphlets. He told everyone he would be home for the summer.

Lincoln did pledge that, if elected president, he would govern by the motto "Justice and fairness to all." By "all," he meant a widening set of concentric circles of his const.i.tuencies. He would not distinguish among Republicans who did or did not support him. He had always worked with Democrats and intended to do so again. Most important, he would make no distinction between North and South.

In this spirit, Lincoln's first initiative in his campaign was to reach out to his Republican opponents. On Monday, May 21, 1860, David Davis expressed his concern about New York and how the disaffection of Seward supporters could play into the hands of Douglas. On May 24, Thurlow Weed, Seward's shrewd campaign manager, arrived in Springfield for what Lincoln and Davis hoped would be the beginning of a rapprochement with his chief rival. Weed wrote later of that initial visit that he sensed from the first that Lincoln revealed "such intuitive knowledge of human nature, and such familiarity with the virtues and infirmities of politicians, that I became impressed very favorably with his fitness for the duties which he was not unlikely to be called upon to discharge." On the same day, Orville Browning, dispatched by Lincoln and Davis to St. Louis, met with Edward Bates, his second rival, to try to bring him on board. Bates told Browning that he would write a public letter endorsing Lincoln.

Lincoln himself wrote to Salmon P. Chase, his third rival. "Holding myself the humblest of all whose names were before the convention, I feel in especial need of the a.s.sistance of all." To Schuyler Colfax, who had supported Bates, Lincoln wrote, "You distinguish between yourself and my original friends- original friends-a distinction which, by your leave, I propose to forget."

WHILE THE REPUBLICANS were uniting, Lincoln watched from Springfield as the Democrats and others were dividing. From late April through June, five nominating conventions produced three more presidential candidates. A week before the Republican convention, former Whigs and Know-Nothings who could back neither the Republicans nor the Democrats, and were hoping to avoid disunion, met in Baltimore to found the Const.i.tutional Union Party with the promise to save "the Union as it is." They nominated John Bell, a former Whig who had opposed the Kansas-Nebraska Act, and Edward Everett, former president of Harvard and secretary of state under President Fillmore. were uniting, Lincoln watched from Springfield as the Democrats and others were dividing. From late April through June, five nominating conventions produced three more presidential candidates. A week before the Republican convention, former Whigs and Know-Nothings who could back neither the Republicans nor the Democrats, and were hoping to avoid disunion, met in Baltimore to found the Const.i.tutional Union Party with the promise to save "the Union as it is." They nominated John Bell, a former Whig who had opposed the Kansas-Nebraska Act, and Edward Everett, former president of Harvard and secretary of state under President Fillmore.

The Democrats, after the disaster at Charleston, reconvened on June 18, 1860, in Baltimore. One hundred and ten "fire-eaters" walked out when once again the convention would not agree to a resolution recognizing slavery in the territories. Following marathon balloting, the convention nominated Stephen Douglas for president and Herschel V. Johnson of Georgia for vice president.

The Southern Democrats, convening in another location in Baltimore after their walkout, reconvened in Richmond on June 28, 1860, and nominated Buchanan's inc.u.mbent vice president, John C. Breckin-ridge of Kentucky, for president, and Joseph Lane of Oregon for vice president, on a pro-slavery platform.

At the end of this unprecedented cycle of conventions, all signs favored Lincoln and the Republicans. Douglas would be his main contestant in the North. Breckinridge and Douglas would do battle in the South, with Bell hoping to do well in the border states. Lincoln a.s.sessed his chances in a letter to Anson G. Henry in Oregon, "We know not what a day may bring forth; but, today, it looks as if the Chicago ticket will be elected." He added, "I think the chances were more than equal that we could have beaten the Democracy united. united. Divided, as it is, its chance appears indeed very slim." Divided, as it is, its chance appears indeed very slim."

CAMPAIGN BIOGRAPHIES CONSt.i.tUTED a major feature of nineteenth-century political campaigning. William Dean Howells, a twenty-three-year-old editorial writer for the a major feature of nineteenth-century political campaigning. William Dean Howells, a twenty-three-year-old editorial writer for the Ohio State Journal Ohio State Journal in Columbus, was engaged by Follett, Foster and Company, the same firm that had recently published Lincoln's sc.r.a.pbook of the Lincoln-Douglas debates, to write a biography of Lincoln. The publisher suggested that Howells go to Springfield to interview Lincoln himself. Howells, at the beginning of a brilliant literary career during which he would write more than one hundred books from 1860 to 1920, declined, saying later, "I missed the greatest chance of my life." Instead, he commissioned a young law student, James Quay Howard, to interview Lincoln. When Lincoln received his copy in the early summer, he sat down with his Farber pencil to insert corrections and additions, most of them small, in the Howells text. in Columbus, was engaged by Follett, Foster and Company, the same firm that had recently published Lincoln's sc.r.a.pbook of the Lincoln-Douglas debates, to write a biography of Lincoln. The publisher suggested that Howells go to Springfield to interview Lincoln himself. Howells, at the beginning of a brilliant literary career during which he would write more than one hundred books from 1860 to 1920, declined, saying later, "I missed the greatest chance of my life." Instead, he commissioned a young law student, James Quay Howard, to interview Lincoln. When Lincoln received his copy in the early summer, he sat down with his Farber pencil to insert corrections and additions, most of them small, in the Howells text.

John Bell, a former Whig senator from Tennessee, led the Const.i.tutional Union Party ticket.

The most popular biography came from the pen of John Locke Scripps, senior editor of the Chicago Press & Tribune. Chicago Press & Tribune. Scripps interviewed Lincoln in Springfield in June. When his thirty-two-page pamphlet biography, published by the Scripps interviewed Lincoln in Springfield in June. When his thirty-two-page pamphlet biography, published by the New York Tribune, New York Tribune, appeared in mid-July, the Republican organization inundated the public with what they called "Campaign Doc.u.ment No. 1." They based their claim in part on the extensive interview Scripps did with Lincoln, thereby lending a semiofficial authority to it. appeared in mid-July, the Republican organization inundated the public with what they called "Campaign Doc.u.ment No. 1." They based their claim in part on the extensive interview Scripps did with Lincoln, thereby lending a semiofficial authority to it.

Stephen Douglas, Lincolns longtime opponent, led the Northern Democratic ticket.

On July 17, 1860, Lincoln received a letter from Scripps that may have given him a chuckle. Scripps wrote, "I believe the biography contains nothing that I was not fully authorized to put into it." But then he quickly added, "In speaking of the books you read in early life, I took the liberty of adding Plutarch's Lives. I take it for granted that you had read that book. If you have not, then you must read it at once to make my statement good." Lincoln made no reply to Scripps, but the Chicago Tribune Chicago Tribune author learned that Lincoln, never missing a beat, made "frequent humorous allusions to it." author learned that Lincoln, never missing a beat, made "frequent humorous allusions to it."

John C. Breckinridge, Kentucky senator, led the Southern Democratic ticket.

THE LINCOLN-HAMLIN CAMPAIGN started quickly. With so many people coming to see him, and quickly realizing he could not work out of his law office, he accepted the offer of Governor John Wood to use the governor's room on the second floor of the statehouse. John G. Nicolay, the serious, hardworking a.s.sistant to Secretary of State Hatch, who had been on loan to Lincoln, now became his one-man staff. Nicolay, born in Essingen, Germany, immigrated to the United States with his family when he was six. First living and attending school in Cincinnati, a city of German immigrants, he kept moving west with his family, finally arriving in Illinois. Young Nicolay went to work for the started quickly. With so many people coming to see him, and quickly realizing he could not work out of his law office, he accepted the offer of Governor John Wood to use the governor's room on the second floor of the statehouse. John G. Nicolay, the serious, hardworking a.s.sistant to Secretary of State Hatch, who had been on loan to Lincoln, now became his one-man staff. Nicolay, born in Essingen, Germany, immigrated to the United States with his family when he was six. First living and attending school in Cincinnati, a city of German immigrants, he kept moving west with his family, finally arriving in Illinois. Young Nicolay went to work for the Pike County Free Press Pike County Free Press in Pittsfield, a New England town set down on the prairies, and by twenty-three was its editor. Now twenty-eight, Nicolay was five feet ten inches tall, and a rail-thin 125 pounds. He had blue eyes and brown hair, his "slow smile" partially hidden behind a mustache and small beard. Nicolay was a young man who loved words, whether it was the Bible, especially the Old Testament, printed in German letters, the plays of Shakespeare, or his editorials in a Whig newspaper. All of these qualities helped build a relationship of mutual trust and appreciation with Lincoln. in Pittsfield, a New England town set down on the prairies, and by twenty-three was its editor. Now twenty-eight, Nicolay was five feet ten inches tall, and a rail-thin 125 pounds. He had blue eyes and brown hair, his "slow smile" partially hidden behind a mustache and small beard. Nicolay was a young man who loved words, whether it was the Bible, especially the Old Testament, printed in German letters, the plays of Shakespeare, or his editorials in a Whig newspaper. All of these qualities helped build a relationship of mutual trust and appreciation with Lincoln.

John G. Nicolay, quiet and efficient, became Lincoln's one-man staff in his campaign for the presidency.

Nicolay had been the custodian of Illinois state election records in Hatch's office, and Lincoln, an a.s.siduous student of these records, was regularly in conversation with him. Now the two shared Lincoln's campaign office, which, while large, had no anteroom, no security, so visitors came and went all day long.

To his chagrin, Lincoln discovered that he had become a celebrity. Every day an army of politicians, reporters, photographers, portrait painters, and others arrived in Springfield. Yet, for all of the crush of people to see him, his new elevated status brought little change to his personal habits and his relationships with people, be they old friends or new acquaintances. Three weeks after his nomination, his old friend Orville Browning, after visiting Springfield's campaign office, wrote in his diary, "Lincoln bears his honors meekly."

Photographer Alexander Hesler of Chicago traveled to Springfield to take four photographs of Lincoln on June 3, 1860. Lincoln particularly liked one photograph that captured his facial expression at the crowning moment of his maturity. Lincoln commented, "That looks better and expresses me better than any I have ever seen." Mary and some others, however, did not like it. Lincoln believed "their objection arises from the disordered condition of the hair." Lincoln concluded, "My judgment is worth nothing in these matters."

Through the weeks of the hot Illinois summer, Lincoln said nothing about his policies. He did not discuss what he would do about the disgruntled South. His standard reply to questions was that his ideas could be found in his published speeches. When pressed, he added that he did not want to say anything that could be misinterpreted. Lincoln's posture did not mean he was pa.s.sive or inactive. He kept abreast of events in the states and flagged his concerns to friends and allies.

He also continued to act as a peacemaker, using the skills he had learned in the small towns of the Eighth Judicial Circuit and in the rough-and-tumble state politics of Illinois. He had successfully steered the Republican boat through troubled waters in Illinois in 1859 and now he sought to do the same on a national stage in 1860. Because he did not campaign publicly, it is easy to miss how much he did behind the scenes.

Looking east to the state of New York, Lincoln became aware of the long-running Republican division between the William Seward Thurlow Weed const.i.tuency and the Free Soil Democratic wing of the party led by William Cullen Bryant, editor of the New York Post, New York Post, with support from Horace Greeley. Lincoln kept hearing that Douglas would mount a tremendous campaign in New York and feared that unhappy Seward supporters might sit out the presidential election. In August, Lincoln wrote to Weed, "I think there will be the most extraordinary effort ever made, to carry New-York for Douglas." Even though the New York Republicans were confident of victory, Lincoln admonished, "Still it will require close watching, and great effort" to keep Douglas contained. Continuing to hear of divisions within the New York Republican Party, Lincoln sent word that he "neither is nor will be ... committed to any man, clique, or faction." Lincoln's policy, in New York and elsewhere, was "to deal fairly with all." with support from Horace Greeley. Lincoln kept hearing that Douglas would mount a tremendous campaign in New York and feared that unhappy Seward supporters might sit out the presidential election. In August, Lincoln wrote to Weed, "I think there will be the most extraordinary effort ever made, to carry New-York for Douglas." Even though the New York Republicans were confident of victory, Lincoln admonished, "Still it will require close watching, and great effort" to keep Douglas contained. Continuing to hear of divisions within the New York Republican Party, Lincoln sent word that he "neither is nor will be ... committed to any man, clique, or faction." Lincoln's policy, in New York and elsewhere, was "to deal fairly with all."

Abraham Lincoln and Hannibal Hamlin led the Republican ticket in 1860.

In Pennsylvania, a feud between Senator Simon Cameron and Andrew Curtin, Republican candidate for governor, threatened Republican solidarity in the second largest state in the Union. David Davis and Leonard Swett visited Pennsylvania in August on a fact-finding mission and reported back to Lincoln. Lincoln then wrote to members of the Pennsylvania Republican State Committee. "I am slow to listen to criminations among friends, and never expose their quarrels on either side. My sincere wish is that both sides will allow by-gones to be bygones, and look to the present and future only."

MARY LINCOLN WAS EAGER to join her husband's campaign in ways that most previous candidates' wives were not. In past presidential campaigns, the wives of candidates were seldom seen and never heard. But Mary had inherited from her father a pa.s.sion for politics, and for years she had put that enthusiasm to work encouraging her husband and, in an "unwomanly" way for her time, offering her counsel on all manner of politics and people. From early in their marriage, when Lincoln was running for state office, again while he served in Congress, and even when he was seemingly exiled to the Eighth Judicial Circuit, Mary had her eyes on faraway horizons. Even if Mr. Lincoln was not always an ideal husband, traveling away from her too often and not present to her when he was at home, she recognized long before others his abilities, which she believed would carry him one day all the way to the presidency. to join her husband's campaign in ways that most previous candidates' wives were not. In past presidential campaigns, the wives of candidates were seldom seen and never heard. But Mary had inherited from her father a pa.s.sion for politics, and for years she had put that enthusiasm to work encouraging her husband and, in an "unwomanly" way for her time, offering her counsel on all manner of politics and people. From early in their marriage, when Lincoln was running for state office, again while he served in Congress, and even when he was seemingly exiled to the Eighth Judicial Circuit, Mary had her eyes on faraway horizons. Even if Mr. Lincoln was not always an ideal husband, traveling away from her too often and not present to her when he was at home, she recognized long before others his abilities, which she believed would carry him one day all the way to the presidency.

If Lincoln did not go to the people, the people came to him. He met supporters in his home as much as at his temporary election office. As daily visitors to Springfield came to take the measure of Lincoln's leadership abilities, many were also eager to take the measure of Mary's abilities as hostess and conversationalist. As the candidate welcomed visitors to his office in the statehouse, she welcomed many of these same people to their home at Eighth and Jackson. Newspapers of the day seldom talked about the wives of politicians, but the New York Tribune New York Tribune departed from this tradition to offer a first a.s.sessment of Mary Lincoln on May 25, 1860. Greeley's newspaper wrote that Mary Lincoln was "amiable and accomplished ... vivacious and graceful," and reported that she was "a sparkling talker." departed from this tradition to offer a first a.s.sessment of Mary Lincoln on May 25, 1860. Greeley's newspaper wrote that Mary Lincoln was "amiable and accomplished ... vivacious and graceful," and reported that she was "a sparkling talker."

Through her love of letter writing to correspondents, known and unknown, across the country, Mary campaigned for her husband from Springfield. Most of her letters have vanished, but a sample of her writing is found in a reply to the Reverend Dyer Burgess, a Presbyterian minister in Const.i.tution, Ohio, who was both antislavery and anti-Mason (some people feared that the Masons were a secret movement attempting to rule the nation). Burgess wrote that, as a Republican, he wanted to support Lincoln but needed a.s.surances that he had never been a member of a secret society. Mary replied, "Mr. Lincoln has never been a Mason or belonged to any secret order."

Mary received a note shortly after Lincoln's nomination from Annie Parker d.i.c.kson, a cousin living in Cincinnati. She and her husband, William Martin d.i.c.kson, an attorney and active Republican, had entertained Lincoln when he was in Cincinnati for the "Reaper Case" in 1855. The note read, "You are an ambitious little woman and for many reasons I am delighted with your success." d.i.c.kson was only voicing what others, especially women, had observed for a long time.

One of Mary's regular correspondents was Hannah Shearer, sister of Noyes W. Miner, a Baptist minister and the Lincolns' neighbor. After the death of her first husband, Edward Rathbun, Hannah had married John Henry Shearer, a physician, and moved to Brooklyn, New York. Shortly before the election, Mary wrote, "You used to be worried, that I took politics so coolly you would not do so, were you to see me now. Whenever I have time, have time, to think, my mind is sufficiently exercised for my comfort." to think, my mind is sufficiently exercised for my comfort."

With her husband home, Mary acted as a consultant-not about issues, but about people. Mary had long believed her husband was too trusting of others. She had strong opinions about his political colleagues. She did not like or trust Norman Judd. She relied on David Davis. Unlike her husband, she held grudges. She still harbored resentment toward Lyman Trumbull, who had defeated Lincoln for the Senate in 1855, and had not repaired her relationship with his wife, Julia Jayne Trumbull. From May through November 1860, Mary was with Abraham nearly every day, expressing her opinions and counting herself as his chief adviser. It was one of their longest periods together.

AN INSIGHT INTO Mary and Abraham Lincoln's home life was provided by young Frank Fuller, a friend of Robert's from Phillips Exeter who visited in the summer of 1860. After Frank called on Lincoln at the statehouse, Lincoln invited him home to dinner. Lincoln did not invite anyone to dinner without Mary's prior consent, but Fuller found himself "warmly welcomed by Mrs. Lincoln." He brought Mary a gift of a slim book of poems by Albert Laighton, a young poet from Ports mouth, New Hampshire. She told him of her delight in poetry and quizzed young Fuller about the poet and the poems. Mary and Abraham Lincoln's home life was provided by young Frank Fuller, a friend of Robert's from Phillips Exeter who visited in the summer of 1860. After Frank called on Lincoln at the statehouse, Lincoln invited him home to dinner. Lincoln did not invite anyone to dinner without Mary's prior consent, but Fuller found himself "warmly welcomed by Mrs. Lincoln." He brought Mary a gift of a slim book of poems by Albert Laighton, a young poet from Ports mouth, New Hampshire. She told him of her delight in poetry and quizzed young Fuller about the poet and the poems.

As the family seated itself in the dining room, Lincoln asked Fuller if he offered grace at meals. He replied that it was his practice to read a couple of lines of poetry. As Lincoln bowed his head, Fuller asked the blessing of "the Supreme Power"

That made our frames, sustains our lives, And through all earthly change survives.

In the conversation at dinner the young Phillips Exeter student discovered that Lincoln had committed to memory a good deal of the Bible, especially, he told him, the Sermon on the Mount and the Twenty-third Psalm.

AFRICAN-AMERICAN LEADER Frederick Dougla.s.s, returning to Rochester in 1860 from a speaking tour in England and Scotland, tried to take stock of the multiplying political candidates poised to run for the presidency. He had been a supporter of Seward, who was a subscriber to Dougla.s.s's antislavery newspaper, the Frederick Dougla.s.s, returning to Rochester in 1860 from a speaking tour in England and Scotland, tried to take stock of the multiplying political candidates poised to run for the presidency. He had been a supporter of Seward, who was a subscriber to Dougla.s.s's antislavery newspaper, the North Star, North Star, and whose career he had followed as a fellow New Yorker. and whose career he had followed as a fellow New Yorker.

In June, Dougla.s.s offered a perceptive a.n.a.lysis of Lincoln in the Dougla.s.s' Monthly. Dougla.s.s' Monthly. He praised Lincoln as "a man of unblemished private character; a lawyer, standing near the front rank of the bar of his own State, has a cool, well balanced head; great firmness of will; is perseveringly industrious; and one of the most frank, honest men in political life." Noting that nineteenth-century political parties had habitually turned away from their best statesmen for president-Daniel Webster and Henry Clay-and nominated men of lesser stature-William Henry Harrison, James Polk, Zachary Taylor, and Franklin Pierce-Dougla.s.s observed, "Mr. Lincoln possesses great capacities, and is yet to be proved to be a great statesman, it is lucky for him that a political exigency moved his party to take him on trust and before his greatness was ripe, or he would have lost his chance." And what of Dougla.s.s's hopes for Lincoln as president? He praised Lincoln as "a man of unblemished private character; a lawyer, standing near the front rank of the bar of his own State, has a cool, well balanced head; great firmness of will; is perseveringly industrious; and one of the most frank, honest men in political life." Noting that nineteenth-century political parties had habitually turned away from their best statesmen for president-Daniel Webster and Henry Clay-and nominated men of lesser stature-William Henry Harrison, James Polk, Zachary Taylor, and Franklin Pierce-Dougla.s.s observed, "Mr. Lincoln possesses great capacities, and is yet to be proved to be a great statesman, it is lucky for him that a political exigency moved his party to take him on trust and before his greatness was ripe, or he would have lost his chance." And what of Dougla.s.s's hopes for Lincoln as president?

When once elected it will be no longer dangerous for him to develop great qualities, and we hope than in taking him on a "profession of faith," rather than on the recommendations of his political life, his party will witness his continual "growth in grace," and his administration will redound to the glory of his country, and his own fame.

Dougla.s.s, utilizing two metaphors for the Christian journey of faith, offered one of the most prescient predictions of Lincoln's journey of political leadership.

"ON MONDAY NIGHT some miserable, infamous, low-flung, narrow-minded, unG.o.dly, dirt-eating, cutthroat, hemp-deserving, deeply dyed, double-distilled, concentrated miscreant of miscreants, sinned against all honor and decency, by cutting down and sawing down two or three Republican poles in this city." This editorial in Springfield's some miserable, infamous, low-flung, narrow-minded, unG.o.dly, dirt-eating, cutthroat, hemp-deserving, deeply dyed, double-distilled, concentrated miscreant of miscreants, sinned against all honor and decency, by cutting down and sawing down two or three Republican poles in this city." This editorial in Springfield's Illinois State Journal Illinois State Journal was referring to huge poles, some as high as one hundred feet, to which were fastened the banners of parties and candidates. What the editorial really highlighted was the enthusiasm, intensity, and contentiousness of political campaigning in Illinois at midcentury. was referring to huge poles, some as high as one hundred feet, to which were fastened the banners of parties and candidates. What the editorial really highlighted was the enthusiasm, intensity, and contentiousness of political campaigning in Illinois at midcentury.

Political campaigns were the chief source of entertainment of the day. Events ran the gamut from rallies, parades, and pole raisings, to picnics, fireworks, excursions, and illuminations, and sometimes riots. The enthusiasm for political campaigns rivaled earlier nineteenth-century religious revivals and could be compared to the twentieth-century embrace of spectator sports. People all over the nation were paying attention as four candidates sprinted toward the finish line.

On a thousand platforms across the North, Republican leaders stumped for Lincoln. Seward and Chase barnstormed across the Midwest. In their speeches they depicted Lincoln, emphasizing his humble origins, as a man of the people. They extolled him as a lawyer and a decisive debater. Women, who could not vote, were nevertheless quite present at political rallies, carrying banners that declared, Westward the star of Empire takes it way,We link-on to Lincoln, as our mothers did to Clay.

A highlight of the summer campaign took place on August 8, 1860, when Sp