A History of The Inquisition of The Middle Ages Volume III Part 48

[341] Bull. Vox in excelso (Van Os, pp. 72-4).--Du Puy, pp. 177-8.--Ptol. Lucens. Hist. Eccles. Lib. xxiv. (Murutori S. R. I. XI. 1236).--Raynouard, p. 187.--Cf. Raynald. ann. 1311, No. 55.

If Schottmuller's a.s.sumption be correct as to the "Deminutio laboris examinantium processus contra ordinem Templi in Anglia," printed by him from a Vatican MS. (op cit. II. 78 sqq.)--that it was prepared to be laid before the commission of the Council of Vienne, it shows the unscrupulous manner in which the evidence was garbled for the purpose of misleading those who were to sit in judgment. All the favorable testimony is suppressed and the wildest gossip of women and monks is seriously presented as though it were incontrovertible.

[342] Jo. Hocsemii Gest. Episcc. Leodiens. (Chapeaville, II. 345).--Baudouin, Lettres inedites de Philippe le Bel, p. 179.--Chron. Cornel. Zantfliet ann. 1307 (Martene Ampl. Coll. V. 154).--Bull. Vox in excelso (Van Os, pp. 75-77).--Bern. Guidon. Flor. Chron. (Bouquet, XXI. 721).--Wilcke, II. 307.--Gurtleri Hist. Templarior. Amstel. 1703, p. 365.--Vertot, Hist. des Chev. de Malthe, Ed. 1755, Tom II. p. 136.--Contin. Guill. Nangiac. ann. 1311-12.--Martin. Polon. Contin. (Eccard. I. 1438).--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1307.

When, in 1773, Clement XIV. desired to abolish the Order of Jesuits by an arbitrary exercise of papal power, he did not fail to find a precedent in the suppression of the Templars by Clement V.--as he says in his bull of July 22, 1773, "Etiamsi concilium generale Viennense, cui negotium examinandum commiserat, a formali et definitiva sententia ferenda censuerit se abstinere."--Bullar. Roman. Contin. Prati, 1847, V. 620.

The wits of the day did not allow the affair to pa.s.s unimproved. Bernard Gui cites as current at the time the Leonine verse, "Res est exempli destructa superbia Templi." Hocsemius quotes for us a chronogram by P. de Awans, possibly alluding to the treasure which Philippe gained-- "Excidium Templi nimia pinguedine rempli Ad LILIVM duo C consocianda doce."

To minds of other temper there were not lacking portents to prove the anger of Heaven, whether at the crimes of the Order or at its destruction--eclipses of sun and moon, parahelia, paraselenae, fires darting from earth to heaven, thunder in clear sky. Near Padua a mare dropped a foal with nine feet; flocks of birds of an unknown species were seen in Lombardy; throughout the Paduan territory a rainy winter was succeeded by a dry summer with hail-storms, so that the harvests were a failure. No Etruscan haruspex or Roman augur could wish for clearer omens: it reads like a page of Livy.--Albertini Mussati Hist. August. Rubr. X. XI. (Muratori S. R. I. X. 377-9).-Cf. Ptol. Lucens. Hist. Eccles. Lib. XXIV. (Ib. XI. 1233); Fr. Jordan. Chron. ann. 1314 (Muratori Antiq. XI. 789).

[343] Contin. Guill. Nangiac. ann. 1312.--Raynald. ann. 1312, No. 5.--Hocsemii Gest. Episcopp. Leod. (Chapeaville, II. 346).--Chron. Fr. Pipini c. 49 (Muratori S. R. I. IX. 750).--Chron. Astens. c. 27 (Ib. XI. 194).--Chron. Cornel. Zantfliet ann. 1310 (Martene Ampl. Coll. V. 160).--Walsingham (D'Argentre I. I. 280).--Raynouard, pp. 197-8.--Bull. Ad providam (Rymer, III. 323.--Mag. Bull. Rom. IX. 149.--Harduin. VII. 1341-8).--Bull. Nuper in generali (Rymer III. 326. Mag. Bull. Rom. IX. 150).--Zurita, Lib. V. c. 99.--Allart, op. cit. pp. 71-2.--Schmidt, Pabstliche Urkunden, p. 81.

[344] Bern. Guidon. Flor. Chron. (Bouquet, XXI. 722).--G.o.defroy de Paris, v. 6028-9.--Ferreti Vicentin. Hist. (Muratori S. R. I. IX. 1017).--Le Roulx, Doc.u.ments, etc., p. 51.--Havemann, Geschichte des Ausgangs, p. 290.--Fr. Pipini Chron. c. 49 (Muratori IX. 750).--Joann. de S. Victor. (Bouquet, XXI. 658).--Vaissette, IV. 141.--Stemler, Contingent zur Geschichte der Templer, pp. 20-1.--Raynouard, pp. 213-4, 233-5.--Wilcke, II. 236, 240.--Anton, Versuch, p. 142.

[345] Raynald. ann. 1313, No. 39.--Raynouard, pp. 205-10.--Contin. Guill. Nangiac. ann. 1313.--Joaun. de S. Victor. (Bouquet, XXI. 658).--Chron. Anon. (Bouquet, XXI. 143).--G.o.defroy de Paris v. 6033-6129.--Villani Chron. VIII. 92.--Chron. Cornel. Zantfliet ann. 1310 (Martene Ampl. Coll. V. 160).--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1307.--Pauli aemylii de Reb. Gest. Franc. Ed. 1569, p. 421.--Van Os, p. 111.

In his haste Philippe did not stop to inquire as to his rights over the Isle des Juifs. It happened that the monks of St. Germain des Pres claimed haute et ba.s.se justice there, and they promptly complained that they were wronged by the execution, whereupon Philippe issued letters declaring that it should work no prejudice to them (Olim, II. 599).

[346] Pauli Langii Chron. Citicens. ann. 1314 (Pistorii I. 1201).--Chron. Sampetrini Erfurtens. ann. 1315 (Menken III. 325).--Naucleri Chron. ann. 1306.--Ferreti Vicentin. Hist. (Muratori S. R. I. IX. 1018).

Clement's reputation was such that this was not the only legend of the kind about his death. While yet Archbishop of Bordeaux, he had a bitter quarrel with Walter of Bruges, a holy Franciscan whom Nicholas III. had forced to accept the episcopate of Poitiers. On his elevation to the papacy he gratified his grudge by deposing Walter and ordering him to a convent. Walter made no complaint, but on his death-bed he appealed to the judgment of G.o.d, and died with a paper in his hand in which he cited the papal oppressor before the divine tribunal on a certain day. His grip on this could not be loosened, and he was buried with it. The next year Clement chanced to pa.s.s through the place; he had the tomb opened, found the body uncorrupted, and ordered the paper to be given to him. It terrified him greatly, and at the time specified he was obliged to obey the summons.--Wadding. ann. 1279, No. 13.--Chron. Gla.s.sberger ann. 1307.

Guillaume de Nogaret, who was Philippe's princ.i.p.al instrument, was the subject of a similar story. A Templar on his way to the stake saw him and cited him to appear within eight days, and on the eighth day he died.--Chron. Astena. c. 27 (Muratori S. R. I. XI. 194).

[347] G.o.defroi de Paris, v. 6131-45. Cf. 3876-81, 3951-2.--Proces des Templiers, II. 195.

Some of the contemporaries outside of France who attribute the affair to the greed of Philippe and Clement are--Matt. Neoburg. (Albert Argentinens.) Chron. ann. 1346 (Urstisii II. 137).--Sachsische Weltchronik, erste bairische Fortsetzung, ann. 1312 (Mon. Germ. II. 334).--Stalwegii Chron. ann. 1305 (Leibnit. III. 274).--Bothonis Chron. ann. 1311 (Leibnit. III. 374).--Chron. Comitum Schawenburg (Meibom. 1. 499).--Jo. Hocsemii Gest. Episcc. Leodiens. (Chapeaville, II. 345-6).--Chron. Astens. c. 27 (Muratori S. R. I. XI. 192-4).--Istorie Pistolesi (Ib. XI. 518).--Villani Chron. VIII. 92.

Authorities who a.s.sume the guilt of the Templars are--Ferreti Vicentini Hist. (Muratori S. R. I. IX. 1017-18).--Chron. Parmens. ann. 1309 (Ib. IX. 880).--Albertin. Mussat. Hist. August. Rubr. x. (Ib. X. 377).--Chron. Guillel. Scoti (Bouquet, XXI. 205).--Hermanni Corneri Chron. ann. 1309 (Eccard. II. 971-2). The old German word Tempelhaus, signifying house of prost.i.tution, conveys the popular sense of the license of the Order (Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1307).

Henri Martin a.s.sumes that the traditions of the north of France are adverse to the Templars, and that those of the south are favorable. He instances a Breton ballad in which the "Red Monks," or Templars, are represented as ferocious debauchees who carry off young women and then destroy them with the fruits of guilty intercourse. On the other hand, at Gavarnie (Bigorre), there are seven heads which are venerated as those of martyred Templars, and the popular belief is that on the night of the anniversary of the abolition of the Order a figure, armed cap-a-pie and bearing the white mantle with a red cross, appears in the cemetery and thrice cries out, "Who will defend the holy temple; who will liberate the sepulchre of the Lord?" when the seven heads answer thrice, "No one, no one! The Temple is destroyed!"--Histoire de France, T. IV. pp. 496-7 (Ed. 1855).

[348] Raynald. ann. 1307, No. 12.--D'Argentre I. I. 281.--Campi, Dell' Hist. Eccles. di Piacenza, P. III. p. 43, Piacenza, 1651.--Feyjoo, Cartas I. xxviii.

[349] Ferreti Vicentini, loc. cit.--Raynald. ann. 1307, No. 12.--Havemann, p. 334.--Wilcke, II. 327, 329-30.--Raynouard, pp. 25-6.--Vaissette, IV. 141.--Du Puy, pp. 75, 78, 88, 125-31, 216-17.--Prutz, p. 16.--Olim, III. 580-2.

Even as late as 1337, in the accounts of the Senechaussee of Toulouse there is a place reserved for collections from the Templar property, although the returns in that year were nil.--Vaissette, Ed. Privat, X. Pr. 785.

For the banking business of the Templars, see Schottmuller, I. 64.

[350] Contin. Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1312.--Villani Chron. VIII. 92.--Matt. Neoburg. (Albertin. Argentin.) Chron. ann. 1346 (Urstisii II. 137).--H. Mutii Chron. Lib. XXII. ann. 1311.--Chron. Fr. Pipini c. 49 (Muratori S. R. I. IX. 750).--Havemann, p. 338.--Vertot, II. 154.--Hocsemii Gest. Episcc. Leodiens. (Chapeaville, II. 346).--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1307.--Naucleri Chron. ann. 1306.--Raynald. ann. 1312, No. 7; ann. 1313, No. 18.--Van Os, p. 81.--Wilcke, II. 340-1, 497.--Ga.s.sari Annal. Augstburg. ann. 1312 (Menken. I. 1473).--Schottmuller, I. 496; II. 427-9.--Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. IV. p. 452.--Rymer, III. 133-4, 292-4, 321, 337, 404, 409-10, 451-2, 472-3.--Le Roulx, Doc.u.ments, etc., p. 50.

We happen to have a slight example of the plunder in an absolution granted February 23, 1310, by Clement to Bernard de Bayulli, canon and chancellor of the Abbey of Cornelia in Roussillon, for the excommunication incurred by him for taking a horse, a mule, and sundry effects, valued in all at sixty livres Tournois, from the preceptory of Gardin, in the diocese of Lerida.--Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. V. p. 41.

[351] Raynald. ann. 1313, No. 37.--Allart, loc. cit. pp. 87, 89.

[352] Bofarull y Broca, Hist. de Cataluna, III. 97.--Zurita, Lib. II. c. 60; Lib. III. c. 9; Lib. VI. c. 26.--Mariana, Ed. 1789, V. 290.--La Fuente, Hist. Ecles. II. 370-1. Ilescas (Hist. Pontifical, Lib. VI. c. 2), in the second half of the sixteenth century, remarks that there had been fourteen Masters of Montesa and never one married until the present one, D. Cesar de Borja, who is married.

[353] Mariana, V. 290.--Garibay, Compendio Historial Lib. XIII. cap. 33.--Zurita, Lib. VI. c. 26.--Le Roulx, Doc.u.ments, etc., p. 52.

[354] Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. V. p. 235 (Romae, 1887).

[355] Johann. Saresberiens. Polycrat. VIII. 17.--D'Argentre I. II. 180-5.--Monstrelet, Chroniques, I. 39, 119.

[356] D'Argentre, I. II. 184-6.--Religieux de S. Denis, Histoire de Charles VI. Liv. x.x.xiii. ch. 28.--Juvenal des Ursins, ann. 1413.--Gersoni Opp. Ed. 1494, I. 14 B, C.--Von der Hardt, T. III. Prolegom. 10-13.--Monstrelet, I. 139.

[357] Von der Hardt, III. Proleg. 13; IV. 335-6, 440, 451, 718-22, 724-8, 1087-88, 1092, 1192, 1513, 1531-2.--D'Argentre, I. II. 187-92.--Gersoni Opp. III. 56 Q-S, 57 B.

[358] Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris ann. 1431.--Epist. de Boulavillar (Pez, Thesaur. Anecd. VI. III. 237).--Proces de Jeanne d'Arc, p. 474. (When not otherwise defined, my references to this and other doc.u.ments concerning Joan are to the collection in Buchon's Choix de Chroniques et Memoires, Paris, 1838.) [359] Thoma.s.sin, Registre Delphinal (Buchon, p. 536, 540).--Gorres, Vie de Jeanne d'Arc, Trad. Bore, Paris, 1886, p. 108.--Chronique de la Pucelle (Buchon, p. 454).

[360] Though the name Joan of Arc has been naturalized in English, Jeanne's patronymic was Darc, not D'Arc.--Vallet de Viriville, Charles du Lis, pp. xii.-xii.

[361] So close to the border was Joan's birthplace that a new delimitation of the frontier, made in 1571, transferred to Lorraine the group of houses including the Darc cottage, and left a neighboring group in France.--Vallet de Viriville, ubi sup. pp. 24-5.

[362] Proces, pp. 469, 470, 471, 473, 475, 476, 477, 483, 485, 487, 499.--Chron. de la Pucelle, ann. 1429, pp. 428, 435-6, 443.--L'Averdy (Academie des Inscriptions, Notices des MSS. III. 373).

[363] Proces, pp. 471, 485.--Chronique, p. 454.--L'Averdy (ubi sup. III. 301).

[364] Proces, pp. 471, 475, 478, 482, 485.--Chronique, pp. 428, 454.--Gorres, pp. 37-9.--Thoma.s.sin, pp. 537, 538.--Christine de Pisan (Buchon, p. 541).--Monstrelet, Liv. II. ch. 57.--Dynteri Chron. Duc. Brabant. Lib. VI. ch. 234.

Much has been recorded in the chronicles about the miracles with which she convinced Charles's doubts--how she recognized him at first sight, although plainly clad amid a crowd of resplendent courtiers, and how she revealed to him a secret known only to G.o.d and himself, of prayers and requests made to G.o.d in his oratory at Loches (Chronique, pp. 429, 455; Jean Chartier, Hist. de Charles VII. Ed. G.o.defroy, p. 19; Gorres, pp. 105-9). Possibly some chance expression of hers may have caught his wandering and uncertain thoughts and made an impression upon him, but the legend of the Pucelle grew so rapidly that miracles were inevitably introduced into it at every stage. Joan herself on her trial declared that Charles and several of his councillors, including the Duc de Bourbon, saw her guardian saints and heard their voices, and that the king had notable revelations (Proces, p. 472). She also told her judges that there had been a material sign, which under their skilful cross-examination developed, from a secret revealed to him alone (p. 477), into the extraordinary story that St. Michael, accompanied by Catharine and Margaret and numerous angels, came to her lodgings and went with her to the royal palace, up the stairs and through the doors, and gave to the Archbishop of Reims, who handed it to the king, a golden crown, too rich for description, such as no goldsmith on earth could make, telling him at the same time that with the aid of G.o.d and her championship he would recover all France, but that unless he set her to work his coronation would be delayed. This she averred had been seen and heard by the Archbishop of Reims and many bishops, Charles de Bourbon, the Duc d' Alencon, La Tremouille, and three hundred others, and thus she had been relieved from the annoying examinations of the clerks. When asked whether she would refer to the archbishop to vouch for the story, she replied, "Let him come here and let me speak with him; he will not dare to tell me the contrary of what I have told you"--which was a very safe offer, seeing that the trial was in Rouen, and the archbishop was the Chancellor of France (Proces, pp. 482-6, 495, 502). His testimony, however, could it have been had, would not probably have been advantageous to her, as he belonged to the party of La Tremouille, the favorite, who was persistently hostile to her.

[365] Monstrelet, II. 57.--Proces, p. 478.--Thoma.s.sin, p. 538.--Chronique, pp. 430-33.

Joan's letters, when produced on her trial, were falsified--at least according to her statement.--Le Brun de Charmettes, Histoire de Jeanne d'Arc, III. 348.

[366] Monstrelet, II. 57-61.--Thoma.s.sin, p. 538.--Chronique. pp. 430-7.--Jean Chartier, pp. 22-4.--Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris, ann. 1429.--Rymer, X. 408.

[367] Chronique, pp. 438-41.--Jean Chartier, pp. 26-7.--Chron. de P. Cochon (Ed. Vallet de Viriville, p. 456).

[368] Epist. P. de Bonlavillar (Pez, Thes. Anecd. VI. III. 237).

[369] Chronique, pp. 442-5.--Jean Chartier, pp. 29-31.--Jacques le Bouvier (G.o.defroy, p. 378).

[370] Proces, p. 479.--Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris, an 1429, 1431.

[371] Chronique, p. 446.--Monstrelet, II. 64.--Buchon, p. 524.--Proces, p. 494.

[372] Buchon, pp. 539, 545.--Bernier, Monuments inedits de France, Senlis, 1833, p. 18.--Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris, an 1429.--Chronique, pp. 446-7.--Memoires de Saint-Remy, ch. 152.--Thoma.s.sin, p. 540.--Nider Formicar. v. viii.--Proces, p. 479.

Christine de Pisan says of her: "Que peut-il d'autre estre dit plus Ne des grands faits du temps pa.s.se: Moyses en qui Dieu afflus Mit graces et vertus a.s.sez; Il tira sans estre la.s.sez Le peuple Israel hors d'Egypte; Par miracle ainsi repa.s.sez Nous as de mal, pucelle eslite."

Buchon, p. 542.

The question which troubled Armagnac was a last struggle of the Great Schism. Benedict XIII., who had never submitted to the Council of Constance, died in 1424, when his cardinals quarrelled and elected two successors to his shadowy papacy--Clement VIII. and Benedict XIV. In 1429, the Council of Tortosa suppressed them both, but at the moment it was a subject on which Armagnac might imagine that heavenly guidance was desirable.

[373] Gorres, pp. 241-2, 273.--Proces, p. 482.--Buchon, pp. 513-4.--Dynteri Chron. Duc. Brabant. Lib. VI. ch. 235.

In the register of taxes every year was written opposite the names of Domremy and Greux, "Neant, la Pucelle." The grant of n.o.bility to her family had the very unusual clause that it pa.s.sed by the female as well as the male descendants, who were thus all exempt from taxation. As matrimonial alliances extended among the rich bourgeoisie this exemption spread so far that in 1614 the financial results caused its limitation to the male lines for the future (Vallet de Viriville, Charles du Lis, pp. 24, 88).

[374] Nider Formicar v. viii.--Rymer, X. 459, 472.--Gersoni Opp. Ed. 1488, liii. T-Z.--M. de l'Averdy gives an abstract of other learned disputations on the subject of Joan (ubi sup. III. 212-17).

[375] Chronique, p. 447.--Buchon, p. 524.--Pez, Thesaur. Anecd. VI. III. 237.--Proces, p. 484.--L'Averdy, III. 338.

The popular explanation of Joan's career connected her good-fortune with a sword marked with five crosses on the blade, which she had miraculously discovered in the church of St. Catharine de Fierbois, and which she thenceforth carried. On the march to Reims, finding her commands disregarded as to the exclusion of prost.i.tutes from the army, she beat some loose women with the flat of the blade and broke it. No smith could weld the fragments together; she was obliged to wear another sword, and her unvarying success disappeared.--Jean Chartier. pp. 20, 29, 42.

[376] Chronique, pp. 446-50.--Jean Chartier, p. 33-36.--Gorres, p. 215.--Monstrelet, II. 66-70.--Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris, an 1429.--Proces, pp. 486, 490.--Memoires de Saint-Remy, ch. 152.--Buchon, pp. 524, 539.

[377] Gorres, pp. 292-5.--Jean Chartier, pp. 39-40.--Jean le Bouvier, p. 381.--Martini d'Auvergne, Vigiles de Charles VII.--Buchon, p. 544.--Proces, pp. 480, 488, 490.

[378] Proces, pp. 481, 482, 488.--Memoires de Saint-Remy, ch. 158.--Monstrelet, II. 84-86.--Chronique, p. 456.--Jean Chartier, p. 42.

[379] Monstrelet, II. 86.--Jean Chartier, p. 25.--Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris, an 1435.--L'Averdy (ubi sup. III. 8).--Chronique et Proces, pp. 462-4.

[380] Monstrelet, II. 86.--Chronique, p. 462.--Proces, pp. 478, 480-1, 486, 487, 488, 489.--Le Brun de Charmettes, Histoire de Jeanne d'Arc, III. 182-3.

[381] Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris, an 1429.--Le Brun de Charmettes, III. 201-7, 210-12, 215, 224-6.--Proces, pp. 465-7, 477.--L'Averdy, pp. 391, 475, 499.

At least one of the a.s.sessors, Thomas de Courcelles, was a man of the highest character and of distinguished learning. Immediately after the trial of Joan he played a distinguished part at the Council of Basle, in opposing the claims of the papacy. aeneas Sylvius says of him, "Inter sacrarum literarum doctores insignis, quo nemo plura ex decretis sacri concilii dictavit, vir juxta doctrinam mirabilis et amabilis, sed modesta quadam verecundia semper intnens terram" (aen. Sylv. Comment. de Gestis Concil. Basil. Lib. I. p. 7, Ed. 1571).--He died in 1469 as Dean of Notre Dame (Le Brun, III. 235).

[382] Ripoll III. 8.--Proces, pp. 467-8, 470, 509.--Le Brun de Charmettes, III. 188, 192, 219, 407-8.--L'Averdy, p. 391.

[383] Proces, pp. 468-9.

[384] Proces, pp. 468, 472, 473, 476, 486, 487, 489, 501.--L'Averdy, pp. 107, 395.

[385] Proces, p. 487.

[386] Proces, pp. 489, 491, 494, 495, 499, 500, 501.

When, in 1456, the memory of Joan was rehabilitated, and the sentence condemning her was p.r.o.nounced null and void, it was of course necessary to show that she had not refused to submit to the Church. Evidence was furnished to prove that Nicholas l'Oyseleur, in whom she continued to have confidence, secretly advised her that she was lost if she submitted herself to the Church; but that Jean de la Fontaine, another of the a.s.sessors, visited her in prison with two Dominicans, Isambard de la Pierre and Martin l'Advenu, and explained to her that at the Council of Basle, then sitting, there were as many of her friends as of enemies, and at the next hearing, on March 30, Frere Isambard de la Pierre openly repeated the suggestion, in consequence of which she offered to submit to it, and also demanded to be taken to the pope, all of which Cauchon forbade to be inserted in the record, and but for the active intervention of Jean le Maitre, the inquisitor, all three would have incurred grave peril of death (L'Averdy, pp. 476-7.--Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. 8-13.--Buchon, pp. 518-19). The rehabilitation proceedings are quite as suspect as those of the trial; every one then was anxious to make a record for himself and to prove that Joan had been foully dealt with. As late as the nineteenth interrogatory, on March 27, 1431, Jean de la Fontaine was one of those who voted in favor of the most rigorous dealings with Joan (Proces, p. 495).

[387] Proces, pp. 496-8, 502.--L'Averdy, pp. 33, 50.--Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. 62-3, 94-5.

[388] Proces, pp. 503-5.--L'Averdy, pp. 56-97.

[389] Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. 102-4, 106.--Proces, p. 506.

In considering the verdict of the University and the Inquisition it must be borne in mind that visions of the Saviour, the Virgin, and the Saints were almost every-day occurrences, and were recognized and respected by the Church. The spiritual excitability of the Middle Ages brought the supernatural world into close relations with the material. For a choice collection of such stories see the Dialogues of Caesarius of Heisterbach. As a technical point of ecclesiastical law, moreover, Joan's visions had already been examined and approved by the prelates and doctors at Chinon and Poitiers, including Pierre Cauchon's metropolitan, Renaud, Archbishop of Reims.

[390] Proces, pp. 508-9.--Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris, an 1431.--Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. 110-41.

There are two forms of abjuration recorded as subscribed by Joan; one brief and simple, the other elaborate (Proces, p. 508; Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. 135-7). Cauchon has been accused of duplicity in reading to her the shorter one and subst.i.tuting the other for her signature. She subsequently complained that she had never promised to abandon her male attire--a promise which was contained in the longer but not in the shorter one. Much has been made of this, but without reason. The short abjuration is an unconditional admission of her errors, a revocation and submission to the Church, and was as binding and effective as the other.

[391] Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. 141.

[392] Proces, pp. 508-9.--Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. 147.

[393] Proces, p. 508.--Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. 166-70.--L'Averdy, p. 506.

[394] Proces, p. 509.--Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. 175-8.

[395] Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. 180-4.--L'Averdy, p. 488, 493 sqq.

A week after Joan's execution a statement was drawn up by seven of those present in her cell to the effect that she acknowledged that her Voices had deceived her and begged pardon of the English and Burgundians for the evil she had done them, but this is evidently manufactured evidence, and does not even bear a notarial attestation.--Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. 220-5.

[396] Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. 188-210.--Proces, pp. 509-10.--Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris, an 1431.

When the excitement which led to Joan's condemnation pa.s.sed away, and she was found to have been a useless victim, there was an effort made to shift the responsibility from the ecclesiastical to the secular authorities: it was claimed that there had been an irregularity in her execution without a formal judgment in the lay court. Two years afterwards, Louis de Luxembourg, then Archbishop of Rouen, and Guillaume Duval, vicar of the inquisitor, condemned for heresy a certain Georges Solenfant, and in delivering him to the Bailli of Rouen they gave instructions that he should not be put to death, as Joan had been, without a definitive judgment, in consequence of which there was a form of sentencing him.--L'Averdy, p. 498.

[397] Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris, an 1431.--August 8, 1431, a monk named Jean de la Pierre was brought before Cauchon and le Maitre charged with having spoken ill of the trial of Joan. This was a perilous offence when the Inquisition was concerned. He asked pardon on his knees, and excused himself on the ground that it was at table after taking too much wine. He was mercifully treated by imprisonment on bread and water in the Dominican convent until the following Easter.--L'Averdy, p. 141.

[398] Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. 238-40.--L'Averdy, p. 269.--Monstrelet, II. 105.--Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris, an 1431.

[399] Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris, an 1430.--Nider Formicar. v. viii.--Proces, p. 480.

[400] Monstrelet, II. 101.--Journal d'un Bourgeois, an 1431.--Memoires de Saint-Remy ch. 172.--Abrege de l'Hist. de Charles VII. (G.o.defroy, p. 334).

[401] Le Brun de Charmettes, Liv. xv.

[402] Minuc. Felicis Octavius (Mag. Bib. Pat. Ed. 1618, III. 7, 8).--Tertull. de Idololat. x.--Lactant. Divin. Inst.i.t. II. 9.--Augustin. de vera Relig. c. 13, c. 40 No. 75; De Genesi ad Litt. xi. 13, 17, 22, 27; Sermon. Append. No. 278 (Edit. Benedict)--Gregor. PP. I. Moral. in Job IV. 13, 17, 32.--Chrysostom. de Imbecillitate Diaboli Homil. I. No. 6.

[403] Minuc. Felic. loc. cit.--Tertull. Apol. adv. Gentes c. 22.--Lactant. Divin. Inst.i.t. v. 22.--Testam. XII. Patriarch. I. 2-3.--Augustin. de Divin. Daemon, c. 3, 4, 5, 6; de Civ. Dei XV. 23, XXI. 10; Enarrat. in Psalm. 61, 63.--Isidor. Hispalens. Lib. de Ord. Creatur. c. 8.

[404] Origen. sup. Jesu Nave Homil. XV. 5, 6.--Ivon. Carnotens. Decret. XI. 106.--Pselli de Operat. Daemon. Dial.--Gregor. PP. I. Dial. I. 4.--Caesar, Heisterb. Dial. Dist. IV., V., XI. 17, XII. 5.--B. Richalmi Lib. de Insid. Daemon. (Pez Thesaur. Anecd. I. II. 376).--S. Hildegardae Epist. 67 (Martene Ampl. Coll. II. 1100).--Mall. Maleficar. P. II. Q. 1. c. 3.

It was not every one who, like St. Francis, when demons were threatening to torment him, could coolly welcome them, saying that his body was his worst enemy, and that they were free to do with it whatever Christ would permit--a view of the case which so abashed them that they incontinently departed.--Amoni, Legenda S. Francisci, Append, c. liii.

[405] Caesar. Heisterb. III. 26, v. 9, 10, 35, 36.--Froissart, III. 22.

[406] Fr. Lenormant, La Magie chez les Chaldeens, p. 36.--Plutarch, vit. Numae, IV.--Joseph. Antiq. Jud. I. 3.--Augustin. de Civ. Dei III. 5: XV. 23.--Gualt. Mapes de Nugis Curialium Dist. II. c. xi., xii., xiii.--Paul. aeginet. Inst.i.t. Med. III. 15.--Chrysost. Homil. in Genesim XXII., No. 2.--Clem. Alexand. Stromat. Libb. III., v. (Ed. Sylburg. pp. 450, 550).--Tertull. Apol. adv. Gentes, c. xxii.; De Carne Christi c. vi., xiv.--Hinemar. de Divort. Lothar. Interrog. xv.--Guibert. Noviogent. de Vita sua Lib. III. c. 19.--Caesar. Heisterb. III. 8, 11, 13.--Gervas. Tilberien. Otia Imp. Decis. III. c. 86.--Matt. Paris. ann. 1249 (p. 514).--Chron. Bardin. (Vaissette, IV. Pr. 5).--Memoires de Jacques Du Clercq, Liv. IV. c. 8.--Innoc. PP. VIII. Bull. Summis desiderantes, 2 Dec. 1484.--Silv. Prieriat. de Strigimagar Lib. I. c. 2; Lib. II. c. 3.

[407] Gianfrancesco Pico della Mirandola, La Strega, Milano, 1864, p. 80.--Thomae Cantimpratens. Bonum universale, Lib. II. c. 55.--Alvar. Pelag. de Planct. Eccles. Lib. II. Art. xlv. No. 102.--Prieriatis de Strigimagar. II. iii., xi.--Sinistrari de Daemonialitate No. 1-3.--Mall. Maleficar. P. II. Q. i. c. 4-8: P. II. Q. ii. c. 1.--Ulric. Molitor. Dial. de Python. Mulieribus Conclus. v.--Th. Aquin. Summ. I. li. Art. iii. No. 6.--Nider Formicar. Lib. v. c. ix., x.--Guill. Arvern. Episc. Paris. de Universo (Wright, Proceedings against Dame Alice Kyteler, Camden Soc. p. x.x.xviii.).--Villemarque, Myrdhinn, ou l'Enchanteur Merlin, p. 11.--Alonso de Spina, Fortalicium Fidei, Ed. 1494, fol. 283.

[408] Tertull. de Corona c. iii.

[409] Rig Veda V. VIII. iv. 15, 16, 24 (Ludwig's Rig Veda, Prag, 1876-8, II. 379, III. 345).--Atharva Veda II. 27, III. 6, IV. 18, V. 14, VI. 37, 75 (Grill, Hundert Lieder des Atharva Veda, Tubingen, 1879).

[410] Polano, Selections from the Talmud, pp. 174, 176.--Augustin. de Trinitate Lib. III. c. 8, 9.--Targum of Palestine on Exod. i.; vii. 11; Numb. xxii. 22.--Fabricii Cod. Pseudepig. Vet. Testam. I. 813; II. 106.--Chron. Samaritan, xli., xliii.

Curiously enough, the fame as magicians of Moses and of his opponents was preserved together. Pliny (N. H. x.x.x. 2) attributes the founding of what he calls the second school of magic to "Moses and Jannes and Lotapes."

[411] Talmud Babli, Kiddushin, fol. 49 b (Wagenseilii Sota, pp. 502-3).--Thonissen, Droit Criminel des Anciens, II. 222 sqq.

[412] Hesiod. Frag. 202.--Pherecyd. Frag. 102, 102a.--Pausan. VI. XX.; IX. xviii., x.x.x.--Apollodor. I. ix. 25.--Plut. de Defectu. Orac. 13; de Pythiae Orac. 12.--Diog. Laert. VIII. ii. 4; viii. 20.--Iambl. Vit. Pythag. 134-5, 222.--Philost. Vit. Apollon. pa.s.sim.--ael. Lamprid. Alex. Sever. xxix.--Flav. Vopisc. Aurelian. xxiv.--Cedren. Hist. Compend. sub Claud. et Domit.

[413] Porphyr. de Abstinent. II. 41, 52-3.--Marini Vit. Procli 23, 26-8.--Damascii Vit. Isidori 107, 116, 126.--Porphyr. Vit. Plotini 10, 11.