A History of The Inquisition of The Middle Ages Volume III Part 43

Youth in admission to Order of Templars, iii. 268.

Ypres, lack of churches in, i. 278.

Ysarn, Arnaud, case of, i. 396.

Yves Favins, case of, iii. 512.

Yvo of Narbonne, his account of Cathari, ii. 193, 295.

ZARABELLA, Card., his partic.i.p.ation against Huss, ii. 481. offers modified abjuration to Huss, ii. 489. labors for Jerome of Prague, ii. 501.

Zaccaria, Matteo, his testimony as to Templars, iii. 277.

Zachary, Pope, instructions as to heresy, i. 308. suppresses angel-worship, iii. 412.

Zamberg, Michael of, founder of Bohemian Brethren, ii. 563, 564.

Zanghino Ugolini, his treatise on heresy, i. 229; ii. 242. on corporate responsibility, i. 334. on ignorance of inqs., i. 334. on restrictions as to familiars, i. 384. on arbitrary procedure, i. 400. on confiscations, i. 506, 509. on worship of new saints, iii. 92. on astrology, iii. 439. on jurisdiction over sorcery, iii. 449.

Zanino del Poggio carries Waldenses to Naples, ii. 247.

Zanino da Solcia, case of, ii. 271; iii. 568.

Zaptati, or Waldenses, i. 77.

Zara, Catharism in, ii. 295, 300, 301.

Zatce, Peter of, a Chiliast, ii. 519.

Zbinco of Prague, ii. 443, 444, 446, 447.

Zeal of Waldenses, i. 86. of Cathari, i. 104.

Zeger, Observantine general, ii. 559.

Zegna, heresy in, ii. 301.

Zeno (Emp.) refuses toleration, i. 216.

Zepperenses, ii. 413.

Zimiskes, John, transplants the Paulicians, i. 90, 107.

Zion, Taborite stronghold taken, ii. 539.

Ziska, John, heads a tumult in Prague, ii. 513. destroys churches, ii. 514.

Ziska fortifies Mount Tabor, ii. 515. burns the Adamites, ii. 518. his death in 1424, ii. 525. patron saint of M. Tabor, ii. 560.

Zoen of Avignon, legate, ii. 40. deprived of inquisitorial power, i. 317; ii. 51.

Zoen holds C. of Albi in 1254, i. 334. persecutes Waldenses, ii. 147.

Zoppio spreads the Doleinist heresy, iii. 123.

Zurich, Beghards persecuted, ii. 411.

Zwestriones, ii. 401, 402.

Zyto, conjuror of Weneeslas, iii. 460.

THE END.

The following typographical errors were corrected by the etext transcriber: Accordingly, in 1494, we hear of four of them--two men and two women--burned at Parma,=>Accordingly, in 1294, we hear of four of them--two men and two women--burned at Parma, Elsewhere thoughout Europe=>Elsewhere throughout Europe win the palm of martydom=>win the palm of martyrdom * * * * *

FOOTNOTES: [1] Th. Aquin. Summ. Sec. Sec. Q. clx.x.xviii. art. 7. ad 1.

[2] Even the great Franciscan preacher, Berthold of Ratisbon (who died in 1272) will concede only qualified merit to those who labor to save the souls of their fellow-creatures, and such labors can easily be carried to excess. The duty which a man owes to his own soul, in prayer and devotion, is of much greater moment.--Beati Fr. Bertholdi a Ratisbona Sermones (Monachii, 1882, p 29). See also his comparison of the contemplative with the active life. The former is Rachael, the latter is Leah, and is most perilous when wholly devoted to good works (Ib. pp. 44-5).

So the great Spiritual Franciscan, Pierre Jean Olivi--"Est igitur totius rationis summa, quod contemplatio est ex suo genere perfectior omni alia actione," though he admits that a lesser portion of time may allowably be devoted to the salvation of fellow-creatures.--Franz Ehrle, Archiv fur Litteratur-und Kirchengeschichte, 1887, p. 503.

[3] Thom. de Eccleston de Adventu Minorum Coll. v.--S. Francis. Testament. (Opp. 1849, p. 48).--Nicolai. PP. III. Bull. Exiit qui seminat (Lib. v. s.e.xto xii. 3).--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 301, 303.

[4] Chron. Turonens. ann. 1326 (D. Bouquet, XVIII. 319).--Alberic. Trium Font. Chron. ann. 1228.

[5] Frat. Jordani Chron. c. 9, 14, 17, 31, 50 (a.n.a.lecta Franciscana, Quaracchi, 1885, I. 4-6, 11, 16).--S. Francis. Testament. (Opp. p. 47); Ejusd. Epistt. vi., vii., viii., (Ib. 10-11).--Amoni Legenda S. Francisci, p. 106 (Roma, 1880).--Wadding. ann. 1229, No. 2.--Chron. Gla.s.sberger ann. 1227 (a.n.a.lect. Franciscana II. p. 45).

[6] Thomae de Eccleston Collat. XII.--Jordani Chron. c. 61 (a.n.a.lecta Franc. I. 19).--Chron. Anon. (Ib. I. 289).

[7] Gregor. PP. IX. Bull.Quo elongati (Pet. Rodulphii Hist. Seraph. Relig. Lib. II. fol. 164-5).--Rodulphii op. cit. Lib. II. fol. 177.--Chron. Gla.s.sberger, ann. 1230, 1231 (a.n.a.lecta II. 50, 56).--Frat. Jordani Chron. c. 18, 19, 61 (a.n.a.lecta I. 7, 8, 19).--Franz Ehrle (Archiv fur Litt.-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1886, p. 123).--Wadding, ann. 1239, No. 5.

The ingenious casuistry with which the Conventuals satisfied themselves that the device of Gregory IX. enabled them to grow rich without transgressing the Rule is seen in their defence before Clement VI., in 1311, as printed by Franz Ehrle (Archiv fur Litt.-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1887, pp. 107-8).

[8] Jordani Chron. c. 62, 63 (a.n.a.lecta I. 18-19).--Thomae de Eccleston Collat. XII.--Chron. Gla.s.sberger, ann. 1239 (a.n.a.lecta II. 60-1).--Huillard-Breholles, Introd. p. DIII.; Ib. VI. 69-70.

Elias still managed to excite disturbance in the Order; he died excommunicate, and a zealous Franciscan guardian had his remains dug up and cast upon a dunghill. Fra Salimbene gives full details of his evil ways, and the tyrannous maladministration which precipitated his downfall. After his secession to Frederic II. a popular rhyme was current throughout Italy-- "Hor attorna fratt Helya, Ke pres' ha la mala via."

Salimbene Chronica, Parma, 1857, pp. 401-13.

Aff, however, a.s.serts that he was absolved on his death-bed.--Vita del Beato Gioanni di Parma, Parma, 1777, p. 31. Cf. Chron. Gla.s.sberger ann. 1243-4.

[9] Thomae de Ecclest. Collat. VIII., XII.--Wadding, ann. 1242, No. 2; ann. 1245, No. 16.--Potthast No. 10825.--Angeli Clarinens. Epist. Excusator (Franz Ehrle, Archiv fur Litt-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1885, p. 535; 1886, pp. 113, 117, 120).--Hist. Tribulation. (Ib. 1886, pp. 256 sqq.).

The Historia Tribulationum reflects the contempt of the Spirituals for human learning. Adam was led to disobedience by a thirst for knowledge, and returned to grace by faith and not by dialectics, or geometry or astrology. The evil industry of the arts of Aristotle, and the seductive sweetness of Plato's eloquence are Egyptian plagues in the Church (Ib. 264-5). It was an early tradition of the Order that Francis had predicted its ruin through overmuch learning (Amoni Legenda S. Francisci, App. cap. xi.).

Karl Muller (Die Anfange des Minoritenordens, Freiburg, 1885, p. 180) a.s.serts that the election of Crescenzio was a triumph of the Puritans, and that he was known for his flaming zeal for the rigid observance of the Rule. So far from this being the case, on the very night of his election he scolded the zealots (Th. Eccleston Collat. XII.), and the history of his generalate confirms the view taken of him by the Hist. Tribulationum. Aff (Vita di Gioanni di Parma, pp. 31-2) a.s.sumes that he endeavored to follow a middle course, and ended by persecuting the irreconcilables.

[10] Hist. Tribulat. (loc. cit. 1886, pp. 267-8, 274).--Aff, pp. 38-9, 54, 97-8.--Wadding, ann. 1256, No. 2.

[11] Tocco, L'Eresia nel Medio Evo, Firenze, 1884, pp. 265-70.--Profetie dell' Abate Gioachino, Venezia, 1646, p. 8.

[12] Tocco. op. cit. pp. 271-81.--Coelestin. PP. III. Epist. 279.

[13] Lib. Concordiae Praef. (Venet. 1519).--Fr. Francisci Pipini Chron. (Muratori S.R.I. IX. 498-500).--Rog. Hovedens. ann. 1190.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 260-2.--Comba, La Riforma in Italia, I. 388.--Lechler's Wickliffe, Lorimer's Translation, II. 321.--Lib. Conformitat. Lib. I. Fruct. i. P. 2; Fruct. ix. P. 2 (fol. 12, 91).--Telesphori de magnis Tribulationibus Proeem.--Henric. de Ha.s.sia contra Vaticin. Telesphori c. xi. (Pez Thesaur. I. II. 521).--Franz Ehrle (Archiv fur Lit.-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1886, p. 331).--P. d'Ailly Concord. Astron. Veritat. c. lix. (August. Vindel. 1490).--H. Cornel. Agripp. de Occult. Philosoph. Lib. II. c. ii.

The Vaticinia Pontific.u.m of the pseudo-Joachim long remained a popular oracle. I have met with editions of Venice issued in 1589, 1600, 1605, and 1646, of Ferrara in 1591, of Frankfort in 1608, of Padua in 1625, and of Naples in 1660, and there are doubtless numerous others.

Dante represents Bonaventura as pointing out the saints-- "Raban e quivi, e lucemi dallato Il Calavrese abate Giovacchino Di spirito profetico dotato."--(Paradise xii.).

[14] Pseudo-Joachim de Oneribus Ecclesiae c. iii., xv., xvi., xvii., xx., xxi., xxii., xxiii., x.x.x.--Ejusd. super Hieremiam c. i., ii., iii., etc.--Salimbene p. 107.--Monumenta Franciscana p. 147 (M.R. Series).

The author of the Commentary on Jeremiah had probably been disciplined for freedom of speech in the pulpit, for (cap. i.) he denounces as b.e.s.t.i.a.l a license to preach which restricts the liberty of the spirit, and only permits the preacher to dispute on carnal vices.

[15] Concil. Lateran. IV. c. 2.--Theiner Monument Slavor. Meridional. I. 63.--Lib. I. s.e.xto, 1, 2 (Cap. d.a.m.namus).--Wadding, ann. 1256, No. 8, 9.--Salimbene Chron. p. 103.

Nearly half a century later Thomas Aquinas still considered Joachim's speculations on the Trinity worthy of elaborate refutation, and near the close of the fourteenth century Eymerich reproduces the whole controversy.--Direct. Inquisit. pp. 4-6, 15-17.

[16] Joachimi Concordiae Lib. IV. c. 31, 34, 38; Lib. V. c. 58, 63, 65, 67, 68, 74, 78, 89, 118.

Joachim was held to have predicted the rise of the Mendicants (v. 43), but his antic.i.p.ations looked wholly to contemplative monachism.

[17] Joachimi Concordiae Lib. I. Tract. ii. c. 6; IV. 25, 26, 33; V. 2, 21, 60, 65, 66, 84.

The Commission of Anagni in 1255 by a strained interpretation of a pa.s.sage in the Concordia (II. i. 7) accused Joachim of having justified the schism of the Greeks (Denifle, Archiv f. Litt.-u. K. 1885, p. 120). So far was he from this that he never loses an occasion of decrying the Oriental Church, especially for the marriage of its priests (e.g., V. 70, 72). Yet when he a.s.serted that Antichrist was already born in Rome, and it was objected to him that Babylon was a.s.signed as the birthplace, he had no hesitation in saying that Rome was the mystical Babylon.--Rad. de Coggeshall Chron. (Bouquet, XVIII. 76).

[18] Rigord. de Gest. Phil. Aug. ann. 1210.--Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1210.--Caesar. Heisterb. dist. v. c. xxii.

[19] Salimbene Chron. pp. 97-109, 124, 318-20.--Chron. Gla.s.sberger ann. 1286.--Vie de Douceline (Meyer, Recueil d'anciens Textes, pp. 142-46).

Salimbene, in enumerating the special intimates of John of Parma, characterizes several of them as "great Joachites."

[20] Protocoll. Commiss. Anagniae (Denifle, Archiv fur Litteratur-und Kirchengeschichte, 1885, pp. 111-12).

[21] Hist. Tribulat. (ubi sup. pp. 178-9).--Salimbene, pp. 102, 233.

According to the exegesis of the Joachites, Frederic II. was to attain the age of seventy. When he died, in 1250, Salimbene refused to believe it, and remained incredulous until Innocent IV., in his triumphal progress from Lyons, came to Ferrara, nearly ten months afterwards, and exchanged congratulations upon it. Salimbene was present, and Fra Gherardino of Parma turned to him and said, "You know it now; leave your Joachim and apply yourself to wisdom" (Ib. pp. 107, 227).

[22] Renan, Nouvelles Etudes, p. 296.

Joachim had already used the term Everlasting Gospel to designate the spiritual interpretation of the Evangelists, which was henceforth to rule the world. His disciple naturally considered Joachim's commentaries to be this spiritual interpretation, and that they const.i.tuted the Everlasting Gospel to which he furnished a Gloss and Introduction. The Franciscans were necessarily the contemplative Order intrusted with its dissemination. (See Denifle, Archiv fur Litteratur-etc., 1885, pp. 54-59, 61.) According to Denifle (pp. 67-70) the publication of Gherardo consisted only of the Introduction and the Concordia. The Apocalypse and the Decachordon were to follow, but the venturesome enterprise was cut short.

[23] Protocol. Commiss. Anaguiae (H. Denifle Archiv fur Litt.-etc., 1885, pp. 99-102, 109, 126, 135-6).

It appears to me that Father Denifle's laborious research has sufficiently proved that the errors commonly ascribed to the Everlasting Gospel (D'Argentre I. i. 162-5; Eymeric. Direct. Inq. P. II. Q. 9; Hermann. Korneri Chron. ap. Eccard. Corp. Hist. Med. aevi. II. 849-51) are the strongly partisan accusations sent to Rome by William of St. Amour (ubi sup. pp. 76-86) which have led to exaggerated misconceptions of its rebellious tendencies. Father Denifle, however, proceeds to state that the result of the commission of Anagni (July, 1255) was merely the condemnation of the views of Gherardo, and that the works of Joachim (except his tract against Peter Lombard) have never been condemned by the Church. Yet when the exaggerations of William of St. Amour are thrown aside, there is in reality little in principle to distinguish Joachim from Gherardo; and if the former was not condemned it was not the fault of the Commission of Anagni, which cla.s.sed both together and energetically endeavored to prove Joachim a heretic, even to showing that he never abandoned his heresy on the Trinity (ubi sup. pp. 137-41).

Yet if there was little difference in the letter, there was a marked divergence in spirit between Joachim and his commentator--the former being constructive and the latter destructive as regards the existing Church. See Tocco, Archivio Storico Italiano, 1886.

[24] Matt. Paris ann. 1256 (Ed. 1644, p. 632).--Salimbene, p. 102.--Bern. Guidon. Vit. Alex. PP. IV. (Muratori S.R. I. III. i. 593). Cf. Amalr. Auger. Vit. Alex. PP. IV. (Ib. III. ii. 404).

For the authorship of the Everlasting Gospel, see Tocco, L'Heresia nel Medio Evo, pp. 473-4, and his review of Denifle and Haupt, Archivio Storico Italiano, 1886; Renan, pp. 248, 277; and Denifle, ubi sup. pp. 57-8.

One of the accusations brought against William of Saint Amour was that he complained of the delay in condemning the Everlasting Gospel, to which he replied with an allusion to the influence of those who defended the errors of Joachim.--Dupin. Bib. des Auteurs Eccles. T.X. ch. vii.

Thomas of Cantimpre a.s.sures us that Saint Amour would have won the day against the Mendicant Orders but for the learning and eloquence of Albertus Magnus.--Bonum Universale, Lib. II. c. ix.

[25] Wadding. ann. 1256, No. 2.--Aff (Lib. 11. c. iv.) argues that John of Parma's resignation was wholly spontaneous, that there were no accusations against him, and that both the pope and the Franciscans were with difficulty persuaded to let him retire. He quotes Salimbene (Chronica p. 137) as to the reluctance of the chapter to accept his resignation, but does not allude to the a.s.sertion of the same authority that John was obnoxious to Alexander and to many of the ministers of the Order by reason of his too zealous belief in Joachim (Ib. p. 131).

[26] Wadding. ann. 1256, No. 3-5.--Salimbene, pp. 102, 233-6.--Hist. Tribulat. (Archiv fur L. u. K. 1886, p. 285).--Although Salimbene prudently abandoned Joachitism, he never outgrew his belief in Joachim's prophetic powers. Many years later he gives as a reason for suspecting the Segarellists, that if they were of G.o.d, Joachim would have predicted them as he did the Mendicants (Ib. 123-4).

The silence of the Historia Tribulationum with respect to the Everlasting Gospel is noteworthy. By common consent that dangerous work seems to be ignored by all parties.

[27] Wadding, ann. 1256, No. 6; ann. 1289, No. 26.--Hist. Tribulat. (loc. cit. p. 285).--Salimbene Chron. pp. 131-33, 317.--Tocco, pp. 476-77.--P. Rodulphii Hist. Seraph. Relig. Lib. I. fol. 117.--Aff, Lib. III. c. x.

[28] Lib. de Antichristo P. I. c. x., xiii., xiv. (Martene Ampl. Coll. IX. 1273, 1313, 1325-35).--Thomae Aquinat. Opusc. contra Impugn. Relig. c. xxiv. 5, 6.--Concil. Arelatens. ann. 1260 (1265) c. 1 (Harduin. VII. 509-12).--Fisquet, La France Pontificale, Metropole d'Aix, p. 577.--Renan, p. 254.

[29] S. Bonavent. de Paup. Christi Art. I. No. i., ii.--Ejusd. Mystic. Theol. cap. I. Partic. 2; cap. II. Partic. 1, 2; Cap. III. Partic. 1.

[30] Wadding. Regest. Alex. PP. IV. No. 39-41; Annal. ann. 1262, No. 36.--Salimbene, p. 122.

[31] Wadding. ann. 1256, No. 4; Regest. Alex. PP. IV. No. 66.--Bertholdi a Ratispona Sermones, Monachii, 1882, p. 68.--H. Denifle, Archiv fur Litt.-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1886, p. 649.

To the true Franciscan the Rule and the gospel were one and the same. According to Thomas of Celano, "Il perfetto amatore dell' osservanza del santo vangelio e della professione della nostra regola, che non e altro che perfetta osservanza del vangelio, questo [Francesco] ardentissimamente amava, e quelli che sono e saranno veri amatori, don a essi singular benedizione. Veramente, dicea, questa nostra professione a quelli che la seguitano, esser libro di vita, speranza di salute, arra di gloria, melodia del vangelio, via di croce, stato di perfezione, chiave di paradiso, e patto di eterna pace."--Amoni, Legenda S. Francisci, App. c. xxix.

[32] S. Bonavent. Opp. I. 485-6 (Ed. 1584).--Wadding. ann. 1257, No. 9; Regest. Clem. PP. IV. No. I.

Pierre Jean Olivi states that he himself heard Bonaventura declare in a chapter held in Paris that he would, at any moment, submit to be ground to powder if it would bring the Order back to the condition designed by St. Francis.--Franz Ehrle, Archiv fur L. u. K. 1887, p. 517.

[33] Lib. v. s.e.xto xii. 3.--Wadding. ann. 1279, No. 11.

[34] Concil. Lugdunens. II c. 23 (Harduin. VII. 715).--Salimbene, pp. 110-11.

[35] Angel. Clarinens. Epist. Excusat. (Archiv fur Litt.-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1885, pp. 523-4).--Histor. Tribulation. (Ibid. 1886, pp. 302-4).--Ubertini Responsio (Ibid. 1887, p. 68).--Cf. Rodulphii Hist. Seraph. Relig. Lib. II. fol. 180.

For the first time the development and history of the Spiritual Franciscans can now be traced with some accuracy, thanks to Franz Ehrle, S.J., who has printed the most important doc.u.ments relating to this schism in the Order, elucidated with all the resources of exact research. My numerous references to his papers show the extent of my indebtedness to his labors.

[36] Histor. Tribulat. (loc. cit. 1886, p. 305).--Ubertim Responsio (Ibid. 1887, pp. 69, 77).--Articuli Transgressionum (Ibid. 1887, pp. 105-7).--Wadding, ann. 1289, No. 22-3.--Ubertini Declaratio (Archiv, 1887, pp. 168-9).--Dante contrasts Acquasparta with Ubertino da Casale, of whom we shall see more presently-- "Ma non sia da Casal ne d'Acquasparta La onde vegnon tali alla Scrittura Ch' uno la fugge e l'altro la coarta."--(Paradise xii.).

[37] Hist. Tribulat. (loc. cit. 1886, pp. 306-8).--Angel. Clarineus. Epist. (Ibid. 1885, pp. 524-5).--Wadding. ann. 1292, No. 14.

[38] Angel. Clarin. Epist. (op. cit. 1885, p. 526); Hist. Tribulationum (Ib. 1885. pp. 308-9).

[39] Hist. Tribulat. (loc. cit. 1886, pp. 309-10).--Faucon et Thomas, Registres de Boniface VIII. No. 37, 1232, 1233, 1292, 1825.--Wadding. ann. 1295, No. 14.

[40] Franz Ehrle, Archiv fur L. u. K. 1886, pp. 157-8.

[41] Raynald. ann. 1297, No. 55.--Jordani Chron. cap. 236, Partic. 3 (Muratori, Antiq XI. 766).