A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume Iv Part 13

[11] This appears to be the country now called Cinaloa, or Culiacan. The strange appellation of the _seven cities_ seems to have reference to that fancied ancient Spanish colony which has been formerly spoken of in the introduction to the discovery of Columbus.--E.

[12] This name, which is not to be found in any map, is probably a mistake for Zacatula, in lat. 18 N. on the coast of the Pacific Ocean, W.S.W.

from Mexico.--E.

[13] The expedition of Alvarado to Peru will be related in the subsequent chapter. Diaz merely gives this slight hint on the subject.--E.

[14] In the _sixth_ section of this chapter, it has been already mentioned that Don Pedro Alvarado was married to _Donna Luisa_ the daughter of Xicotencatl, one of the princes or chiefs of Tlascala, through whom he acquired a great inheritance, and by whom he had a son Don Pedro, and a daughter Donna Leonora, married to Don Francisco de la Cueva, cousin to the Duke of Albuquerque, by whom she had four or five sons. The widow of Don Pedro destroyed in Guatimala, seems to have been a second wife--E.

[15] This extended account of the descendants of Cortes, is adopted from Clavigero, I. 442. The first paragraph, which enumerates the younger children of the marquis, and his natural children, are from Diaz.

There is a difference between these authors in the name of the marchioness, whom Diaz names Donna _Juanna_, and Clavigero _Jeroma_: The former likewise names the eldest son of Cortes _Martin_, and the latter _Martinez_.--E.

[16] This refers to the period when Clavigero composed his History of Mexico, about the year 1780; according to Humboldt, the dukes of Montelione retained the vast estates of Cortes in Mexico within the present century.--E.

[17] This genealogical deduction has been somewhat abridged, as to the multiplicity of high sounding t.i.tles, and minute particulars of marriages and n.o.ble connections, altogether uninteresting to the English reader.--E.

SECTION XXIV.

_Concluding Observations by the Author_[1].

Having enumerated the soldiers who pa.s.sed from Cuba along with Cortes, to the conquest of New Spain, I have to observe that we were for the most part _hidalgos_, or gentlemen, though some were not of such clear lineage as others; but, whatever may have been the dignity of our birth, we made ourselves much more ill.u.s.trious by our heroic actions in the conquest of this country, at our own sole cost, without any aid or support, save that of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. In the ancient history of our own country, many cavaliers rose to dignity and honours by valiant and faithful services to their kings; and though they did not go into the field as we did, without pay, they were rewarded with lands, houses, castles, dignities, and privileges, to them and their heirs in perpetuity.

Also, when his majesty Don Jayme, won certain parts of his kingdom from the Moors, he made grants of these to the cavaliers who a.s.sisted him in the conquest, from which period their descendants derive their estates, honours, and blazons. Those also who served under the Great Captain and the Prince of Orange were rewarded in like manner. I have recalled the recollection of these things, that the world may consider and determine whether we, who gained this great country by our valour, even without the knowledge of his majesty, are not as worthy of such rewards and honours as those cavaliers above-mentioned, by our good, notable, and loyal services to G.o.d, the king, and all Christendom.

I have placed myself last in the list, having been twice in this country before the coming of Cortes, and the third time along with him; and, as among those whom I have enumerated, there were many valiant captains, so I was held in no inconsiderable estimation in my day as a soldier. Besides the many battles and dangers in which I partic.i.p.ated since I came into this country, and the distresses, by hunger, thirst, fatigue and wounds, incident to all who undertake discoveries and wars in unknown countries, I was twice in the hands of the enemy, who were carrying me off for sacrifice: But thanks and praise to G.o.d and his holy Virgin Mother, who gave me force to escape from their grasp, that I might now relate and make manifest our heroic deeds in the conquest of this _new world_, and thereby to prevent all the honour and merit from being unjustly ascribed to our general alone. It is now proper that I should make some observations on the good effects produced by our exertions and ill.u.s.trious conquests, to the service of G.o.d and our king, in which many of our companions lost their lives, being sacrificed to the G.o.ds or idols of the Mexicans, Huitzilopochtli and Tezcatlipoca.

In the first place, we purged the land of many wicked customs, and in particular from human sacrifices. By estimates made by the reverend Franciscan friars, who succeeded Fra Bartholomew de Olmedo, it appears that above 2500 human victims were sacrificed yearly in Mexico and some adjacent towns on the lake; so that the number annually put to death in the whole country must have been very great. Their various other horrible practices exceed my powers of description. Their cursed adoratories were exceedingly numerous, like our holy churches, hermitages, and chapels, in Spain, as they had everywhere houses dedicated to idols, devils, and infernal figures. Besides which, every individual native had two altars, one beside the place where he or she slept, and another at the door of the house, with chests containing large or small idols and stone knives, and books made of the bark of trees containing the record of past times.

Especially on the coast and other sultry parts of the country, they were addicted to the most abominable vices, where they had boys in female attire. They fed on human flesh, as we do on beef, having wooden cages in every town, in which men, women, and children, were kept and fed for that purpose, to which all the prisoners taken in war were destined. Incest was common among them, and they were extremely addicted to drunkenness. They had as many wives as they pleased. From these and many other abominations, it was the will of G.o.d that we should be the humble instruments to clear the land; subst.i.tuting a good policy and the holy doctrine of Jesus Christ in their place. It is true that, two years afterwards, when the country was subjugated and civilized, certain worthy Franciscans of good example and holy doctrine came here, who were followed in three or four years by fathers of the order of St Dominic, who completed what others had begun.

But the honour of having destroyed the abominations of the land, a.s.suredly belongs to us the true conquerors, who opened the way for these holy fathers.

By the will of G.o.d, and the sacred Christianity of the emperor Don Carlos of glorious memory, and our present most fortunate sovereign the invincible Don Philip, all the natives of this great country have been baptised to the salvation of their souls, formerly sunk and lost in the bottomless pit. We have many fathers of the different orders, who go about preaching and baptizing, by which means the knowledge of the holy Evangile is firmly planted in the hearts of the natives, who confess yearly, and those who have sufficient knowledge in the faith, partic.i.p.ate in the holy eucharist. The churches and their altars are richly adorned with all requisites for holy worship; as crosses, candlesticks, wax-candles, chalices, cups, plates, and vessels for incense, all of silver. The ornaments of the altars and crosses are of velvet, and damask, and other rich materials, of various colours and splendid workmanship, adorned with embroidery of gold, silk and pearls. Each town has its bells according to its ability. The chapels have choirs of good voices which sing in concert, tenors, trebles, and counter-tenors. In some places there are organs; but most have lutes, sackbuts, dulcimers, and ba.s.s and treble trumpets. This one province of Guatimala has more than my native county, old Castille. It is edifying and wonderful to see the devotion of the natives at the holy ma.s.s, especially when performed by the fathers of the orders of St Francis and of Mercy, who have the cures of the parishes. All the natives, men, women, and children, are taught the holy prayers in their own tongue; and always on pa.s.sing a cross, crucifix, or altar, they fall on their knees repeating a _pater noster_ or an _ave Maria_. We, the conquerors, taught them to burn wax candles before the holy altars and crosses, and to behave respectfully to the reverend fathers, going out to meet them when they came to the towns, with lighted candles, ringing of bells, and providing them abundantly with provisions. On Lady Day and Corpus Christi, and other solemn fasts of the church, when we make processions, most of the natives of this city of Guatimala go likewise in procession, with crosses and lighted candles, bearing the images of their patron saints as richly dressed as they can afford, and singing litanies and other holy prayers to the sound of flutes and trumpets.

The natives also of these countries have learnt all the trades used among us in Spain, having their shops, manufactories, and work-people. Their goldsmiths and silversmiths, both those who make cast work or who use the hammer, are excellent. Their lapidaries or engravers on precious stones, especially emeralds, execute the nicest representations of the holy acts and pa.s.sion of our blessed Saviour, in such a manner as could not be believed from Indians. Three of our native Mexican artists, named Andres de Aquino, Juan de la Cruz, and El Crispillo, have in my humble judgment executed paintings which may vie with those of Apelles, Michael Angelo, and Berruguete. The sons of the chiefs used to be educated in grammar, and were learning very well, till this was prohibited by the holy synod, under an order of the most reverend the archbishop of Mexico. Many of the natives are manufacturers of silks and various other stuffs, and hatters, and soap-boilers. Two trades only could never be acquired by them, which is the art of gla.s.s blowing, and that of the apothecary; but this is not owing to any defect of natural genius, as there are among them surgeons, herbalists, jugglers, makers of puppets, and of violins. They cultivated the ground before our arrival; and now they rear stock, break in bullocks to the plough, sow, reap, manure, and make bread and biscuit. They have planted their lands with the various fruits of old Spain, such as quince, apple, and pear trees, which they hold in high estimation; but cut down the unwholesome peach trees and the overshading plantains. From us they have learnt laws and justice; and they every year elect their own alcaldes, regidors, notaries, alguazils, fiscals, and major-domos[2]. They have their _cabildos_, or common councils, and bailiffs, which meet twice a-week, judging, sentencing, and punishing for smaller offences; but for murder and higher crimes, they must have recourse to the Spanish governors in places where there are no courts of royal audience. In Tlascala, Tezcuco, Cholula, Guaxocinco, Tepeaca, and other large cities, gilt maces are borne before the native magistrates when they go to hold their cabildos, as is done before our viceroys; and they distribute justice with much zeal and impartiality, being anxious to acquire a thorough knowledge of our laws. All the caciques are rich, and ride on horses handsomely caparisoned, attended by pages. In some townships likewise, they exercise with the lance on horseback, running at the ring; and they have bull feasts, especially on the days of Corpus Christi, St John, St James, the a.s.sumption, or the patron or patroness saint of the town. Many of them are excellent hors.e.m.e.n, and the natives especially of Chiapa de los Indios, will face the fiercest bull. The caciques breed horses, and use them and mules for conveying their various commodities for sale, such as maize, wood or lime; and many of the natives gain their living by following the occupation of carriers.

By means of our ill.u.s.trious services, our mother-country obtains gold, silver, precious stones, cochineal, wool, salsaparilla, hides, and various other commodities, to the great advantage of the royal revenue. Since the time of the great and wise Solomon, neither ancient nor modern history record the acquisition of such riches by any country, as have been derived from New Spain. I do not now include the millions in gold and silver derived from Peru, as that country was unknown when we conquered New Spain, and was not conquered till ten years afterwards: Besides all which, Peru has been involved in cruel civil wars, whereas we have ever remained submissive in our allegiance to his majesty, and ready to devote our lives and fortunes to his service. The numerous cities in New Spain are worthy of consideration, but would be too tedious to enumerate. Besides the archbishop.r.i.c.k of Mexico, we have ten bishop.r.i.c.ks, with many cathedrals, and monastaries belonging to the Dominicans, Franciscans, Augustines, and the order of Mercy. Many hospitals, with extensive remissions and pardons attached to them; besides the _Santa casa_ of our Lady of Guadeloupe, where many holy miracles are performed daily. In Mexico there is an university in which are taught grammar, theology, rhetoric, logic, philosophy, and other sciences; and in which the students take the several degrees of bachelor, licentiate, and doctor; having also a printing press for books in the Spanish and Latin languages. If all I have now said be insufficient, let the wise and learned read over this my true history with impartial care, and they must confess that there never were men who have gained more by their valorous achievements for their king than we the brave conquerors, among the most valiant of whom I was considered. And I say again, I myself, who am a true conqueror, am the most ancient of all.

Of the 550 soldiers who left Cuba along with Cortes, _five_ only are now living in the year 1568, while I am writing this history; all the rest having been slain in the wars, or sacrificed to the accursed idols, or have died in the course of nature. Of 1300 soldiers who came with Narvaez, exclusive of mariners, not more than ten or eleven now survive. Of those who came with Garay, including the three companies which landed at St Juan de Ulua previous to his own arrival, amounting to 1200 soldiers, most were sacrificed and devoured in the province of Panuco. We five companions of Cortes who yet survive, are all very old and bowed down with infirmities, and extremely poor; having heavy charges of sons to establish, daughters to marry off, and grand-children to maintain, with very small means to do all this. Whereas we ought to have had the best properties in the country allotted to us, in reward of our high prowess and transcendent services in that country which we conquered; not indeed to the same extent with the rewards granted to Cortes, but in just moderation in proportion to our merits. This indeed was ordered by his majesty, but interest and partiality gave away what we ought to have received to others, leaving little for the royal patrimony or to be bestowed on us. Immediately after the conquest, Cortes ought to have divided the whole country into five shares, a.s.signing the richest and best to his majesty, out of which to reward those cavaliers who served him in his European wars; taking a share and a half to himself, and for the establishment of churches, monasteries, and munic.i.p.alities; and dividing the remaining half in perpetual grants to us the true conquerors, by which we should have all been amply provided for.

Our emperor was so truly a Christian monarch, that he would willingly have granted us these favours, more especially as the conquest cost him nothing.

But we knew not then where to apply for justice, except to Cortes himself, who did in all things as he thought fit, taking care of himself, and of his friends and relations newly come from old Spain. We remained therefore with the little which had been a.s.signed to us, till we saw Don Francisco de Montejo, who had waited on his majesty in Europe, return with the appointment of adelantado and governor of Yucutan, estates in Mexico, and other rewards. Diego de Ordas also, who went to court, obtained a commandery of St Jago, and districts in New Spain. Don Pedro de Alvarado, who likewise went to represent his services, was made adelantado and governor of Guatimala and Chiapa, commander of the order of St Jago, and obtained extensive grants of land. When therefore, we the conquerors saw that those who did not reach his majesty, or had no one to speak for them, were neglected, we transmitted a pet.i.tion, by which we prayed that such lands as fell vacant might be distributed among us in perpetuities, as had been done by the first court of royal audience, of which Nuno de Guzman was president; who had been directed to make the divisions more equal, deducting in due proportions from the immoderate grants of Cortes, and that the best districts and rents should be divided among us the true conquerors, leaving the cities and great towns for his majesty. His majesty likewise ordered the va.s.sals of Cortes to be counted, leaving no more than were specified in his patents; but I do not remember what was to have been done with the surplus. Nuno de Guzman and the judges of his tribunal were misled by advisers from making their grants perpetual, under pretence that the conquerors would cease to depend upon and respect them if independent, and that it was better to keep them under the necessity of supplicating for subsistence, and likewise to preserve to themselves the power of dividing the conquered lands to the advantage of their own interest. Guzman and his oydors indeed, constantly a.s.signed such districts as fell vacant among the conquerors and colonists to universal satisfaction; but were superseded in consequence of their disputes with Cortes.

In 1550, when I was in Old Spain, a council was formed, consisting of Bartholomew de las Casas, bishop of Chiapa, Vasco de Quiroga, bishop of Mechoacan, and other cavaliers who had come as agents from New Spain and Peru, with some gentlemen who had come on business to court; to which council I also was called, as being the most ancient of the conquerors of New Spain. At this time certain of the Peruvian gentlemen pet.i.tioned his majesty to cause perpetual allotments of lands to be made in that kingdom, and a similar pet.i.tion was presented by Gonzalo Lopez and Alonzo de Villanueva, who had come over as agents from Mexico. His majesty was pleased to order the _rapartimiento_ or distribution of lands to be referred to the council of the Indies, consisting of the Marquis de Mondejar president, with the licentiates Gutierre Velasquez, Tello de Sandoval, Gregorio Lopes de Briviesca, and the Doctor Hernan Perez de la Fuente, oydors or judges of that court, together with the members of other royal councils. At this meeting, it was proposed to make a perpetual distribution of the lands of New Spain and Peru; I am uncertain if New Granada and Popayan were to have been included. Many excellent reasons were given for this measure being adopted, but it was strenuously opposed by the members of the royal council of the Indies, together with Bishop de las Casas, Fra Rodrigo his coadjutor, and the Bishop of las Charcas, who insisted that the matter should be postponed till the return of the emperor from Vienna, when every thing should be arranged to the satisfaction of the conquerors: And thus the affair was dropped for the present.

After my return to New Spain, the conquerors then proposed to send agents to solicit his majesty for our interest exclusively, in consequence of which I was written to here in Guatimala, by Captain Andres de Tapia, Pedro Morena de Medrana, and Juan Limpias Caravajal, on the subject. I accordingly went round among the other conquerors who were settled in this city, to raise a sum by subscription for the purpose, but this project failed for want of money. At a subsequent period, our present invincible king Don Philip, was pleased to command that the conquerors and their posterity should be provided for, attending in the first instance to those who were married. But all has been of no avail.

Two learned licentiates, to whom I communicated the MS. of this history, observed that I had praised myself greatly in the battles of which I have given an account, whereas I ought to have left that to be done by others.

But how is any one who was not in the wars with us to praise us as we deserve? To compare myself, a poor soldier, with the great emperor and warrior Julius Cesar, we are told by historians, that he used to write down with his own hand an account of his own heroic deeds, not chusing to entrust that office to others, although he had many historians in his empire. It is not therefore extraordinary if I relate the battles in which I fought, that it may be known in future ages, _thus did Bernal Diaz del Castillo_; that my sons and grandsons may enjoy the fame of their ancestor, as many cavaliers and lords of va.s.sals do the deeds and blazons of their predecessors. I shall therefore enumerate the various battles and other warlike affairs in which I have been present. At Cape Cotoche, under Cordova; at Pontonchan in a battle where half our number was slain; and in Florida where we landed to procure water. Under Juan de Grijalva, I was present in the second battle of Pontonchan. During my third voyage, under Cortes, two pitched battles at Tabasco. On our arrival in New Spain, the battle of Cingapacinga or Teoatzinco. Shortly afterwards three pitched battles with the Tlascalans. The affair of Cholula. On our entry into Mexico, I was at the seizure of Montezuma, which I do not enumerate as a warlike exploit, but on account of its great boldness. Four months afterwards, when with 276 men, Cortes defeated Narvaez who had 1300. The relief of Alvarado, when the Mexicans made incessant attacks upon us during eight days and nights, during which I reckon eight several battles, at all of which I was present, and in the course of which we lost 870 men.

The battle of Obtumba or Otompan. A battle at Tepeaca. A battle at Tezcuco.

Two battles, in one of which I was wounded in the throat by a lance. Two actions about the maize fields near Chalco. The rash attack on the fortresses called the Rocks of the Marquis in our expedition round the lake. The battle of Cuernavaca. Three battles at Xochimilco. During the siege of Mexico, which lasted _ninety-three_ days, I find by my account that I was engaged in upwards of eighty battles and skirmishes. After the conquest, I was sent out on various expeditions to reduce Coatzacualco, Chiapa, and the Zapotecans, in which we had several engagements. In Chamula and Cuitlan, two engagements. In Teapa and Chematlan two others, in one of which I was badly wounded in the throat. I forgot to mention, that we were pursued for nine days in our flight from Mexico, and had to fight four battles before the great one at Otompan. Several actions in our expedition to Higueras and Honduras, during which in a battle at Culacotu I had a horse killed under me which cost 600 crowns. After my return to Mexico, I went upon an expedition into the mountains against the Zapotecas and Mixtecas. I have on the whole been present in _one hundred and nineteen_ battles, engagements, and skirmishes; so that it is not wonderful if I praise myself for the many and notable services which I have rendered to G.o.d, his majesty and all Christendom: And I give thanks and praise to the Lord Jesus Christ, who hath preserved me in so many dangers.

THE END OF BERNAL DIAZ.

[1] In this section Diaz gives a minute enumeration _of the valiant companions who pa.s.sed over to the conquest of Mexico with the most adventurous and most magnanimous Don Hernando Cortes, Marquis of the Valley_. This must a.s.suredly be a most valuable doc.u.ment to vast numbers of the present inhabitants of New Spain, by enabling them to trace their honourable descent from the conquerors; but, as totally uninteresting to the English reader, is here omitted.--E.

[2] These are the ordinary munic.i.p.al officers of Spanish townships, answerable to our mayors, aldermen, bailiffs, constables, &c.--E.

CHAPTER VI.

HISTORY OF THE DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF PERU, BY FRANCISCO PIZARRO, WRITTEN BY AUGUSTINO ZARATE, TREASURER OF THAT KINGDOM, A FEW YEARS AFTER THE CONQUEST.

INTRODUCTION.

The present chapter, like that immediately preceding from the pen of Bernal Diaz, although in strict language neither a journey nor a voyage, records in every step of the conquerors a new _discovery_ of coasts, islands, rivers, districts, and tribes, that had never been visited before.

In conformity with our uniform desire to have recourse upon all occasions to the most authentic original authorities for every article admitted into this collection, so far as in our power, the work of Zarate has been chosen as the record of the discovery and conquest of Peru, in preference to any modern compilation on the same subject. As we learn from himself, Zarate was a person of rank and education, who went into Peru in 1543, only _eighteen_ years after the first movements of Pizarro and Almagro towards the discovery of that extensive country, and only _eleven_ years after its actual invasion by Pizarro in 1532. From the ill.u.s.trious historian of America, Dr William Robertson, the work which we now offer to the public for the first time in the English language, has the following high character: "The history of Zarate, whether we attend to its matter or composition, is a book of considerable merit, and great credit is due to his testimony." Besides this general eulogy; in his enumeration of six original authors whom he had consulted in the composition of that portion of his History of America which refers to Peru, he clearly shews that Zarate alone can be considered as at the same time perfectly authentic and sufficiently copious for the purpose we have at present in view. The substance of his account of all the six is as follows.

"_Two_ of the more early writers on the subject of the discovery and conquest of Peru, Francisco de Xeres, the secretary of Pizarro, and Pedro Sanchez, an officer who served under the conqueror, break off almost in the introduction to the narrative, going no farther into the history of the conquest than the death of Atahualpa in 1533, only one year after the invasion of Peru. The _third_ in point of time, Pedro Cioca de Leon, only two years earlier in his publication than Zarate, gives nothing more than a description of the country, and an account of the inst.i.tutions and customs of the natives. Zarate is the _fourth_. The _fifth_, Don Diego Fernandez, solely relates to the dissentions and civil wars among the Spanish conquerors. The _sixth_ and last of these original authors, Garcila.s.so de la Vega _Inca_, the son of a Spanish officer of distinction by a _Coya_, or Peruvian female of the royal race, gives little more than a commentary on the before mentioned writers, and was not published till 1609, seventy five years after the invasion of Peru by Pizarro[1]."

In the Bibliotheque des Voyages, VI. 319. mention is made of a Description of Peru as published in French in 1480, and said to be a very rare work: _Rare_, indeed, if the imprint be not an error, _fifty-two_ years before the actual invasion and discovery. In the same useful work, the performance of Zarate is thus characterized. "The author has not confined his views to the history and conquest of Peru, but has given us a statement of the natural features of the country, an account of the manners of the inhabitants, and a curious picture of the religious opinions and inst.i.tutions of the Peruvians."

Four of the six original authors respecting Peru which are noticed by Robertson, we have not seen; having confined our views to that of Zarate, which is not only the best according to the opinion of that excellent judge, but the only one which could answer the purpose of our present collection. In preparing this original work for publication, it is proper to acknowledge that we have been satisfied with translating from the French edition of Paris, 1742; but, besides every attention to fidelity of translation, it has been carefully collated throughout with the _Royal Commentary_ of the Inca Garcila.s.so de la Vega, as published in English by Sir Paul Rycaut, knight, in 1688; and with the excellent work of Dr Robertson. It may be proper to mention, however, that the following translation, though faithful, has been made with some freedom of retrenching a superfluity of useless language; though nothing has been omitted in point of fact, and nothing altered.

Having mentioned the work of Garcila.s.so de la Vega, which we have employed as an auxiliary on the present occasion, it may be worth while to give a short account of it in this place: For there never was, perhaps, a literary composition so strangely mixed up of unconnected and discordant sense and nonsense, and so totally devoid of any thing like order or arrangement, in the whole chronology of authorship, or rather of book-making, as has been produced by this scion of the Incas. No consideration short of our duty to the public, could have induced us to wade through such a labyrinth of absurdity in quest of information. It is astonishing how the honest knight could have patience to translate 1019 closely printed folio pages of such a farrago; and on closing the work of the Inca for ever, we heartily joined in the concluding pious thanksgiving of the translator, _Praised be G.o.d_. This enormous literary production of the _Inca_ Garcila.s.so, is most regularly divided and subdivided into parts, books, and chapters; which contain here a little history, then digressions on manners, customs, opinions, ceremonies, laws, policy, arts, animals, vegetables, agriculture, buildings, &c. &c. &c. intermixed with bits and sc.r.a.ps of history, in an endless jumble; so that for every individual circ.u.mstance on any one of these topics, the pains-taking reader must turn over the whole work with the most anxious attention. We quote an example, taken absolutely at random, the t.i.tles of the Chapters of Part I. Book ix.

Chap. I. Huayna Capac makes a gold chain as big as a cable, and why. II.

Reduces ten vallies of the coast. III. Punishes some murderers. IV.-VII.

Incidents of his reign, confusedly related. VIII. G.o.ds and customs of the Mantas. IX. Of giants formerly in Peru. X. Philosophical sentiments of the Inca concerning the sun. XI. and XII. Some incidents of his reign. XIII.

Construction of two extensive roads. XIV. Intelligence of the Spaniards being on the coast. XV. Testament and death of Huayna Capac. XVI. How horses and mares were first bred in Peru. XVII. Of cows and oxen.

XVIII.-XXIII. Of various animals, all introduced after the conquest.

XXIV.-x.x.xI. Of various productions, some indigenous, and others introduced by the Spaniards. x.x.xII. Huascar claims homage from Atahualpa. x.x.xIII.-XL.

Historical incidents, confusedly arranged, all without dates.

The whole work is equally confused at best, and often much more so; often consisting of extracts from other writers, with commentaries, argumentations, ridiculous speeches, miracles, and tales recited by old _Incas_ and _Coyas_, uncles aunts and cousins of the author. To add to the difficulty of consultation, Sir Paul, having exhausted his industry in the translation, gives no table of contents whatever, and a most miserable Index which hardly contains an hundredth part of the substance of the work.

Yet the author of the Bibliotheque des Voyages, says "that this work is _very precious_, as it contains the only remaining notices of the government, laws, manners, and customs of the Peruvians."--Ed.

[1] History of America, _note_ cxxv.

PREFACE OF THE AUTHOR.