A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume X Part 29

In this dangerous emergency, Captain Clipperton being overcome with liquor, and quite unable to command, the officers came to the resolution of running clear from the enemy as soon as they could get the ship afloat, and signed a paper to indemnify Mr Cook if he would a.s.sume the command. By four in the afternoon of the 29th they got the ship afloat, and cut away their small bower anchor, but ran aground again in ten minutes. At nine they carried out the kedge-anchor, but the hawser broke in heaving. They now carried out another hawser, having a lower-deck gun fixed to it, as they had now lost all their anchors, and were still aground. At two in the morning of the 30th the enemy repeatedly called upon them to surrender, or they might expect no quarter. At five they carried out the main-top-mast shrowd hawser, with another gun, still plying the enemy with their great guns and small-arms, though they were able to do little harm; while the enemy never missed them, especially directing their shot at the boats of the Success, whenever they saw them in motion. At eleven in the forenoon of the 30th they carried out the remains of their best bower-cable, with two lower-deck guns, which they dropped right a-head in five fathoms water. They now cleared the hold, ready to start their water to lighten the ship; got their upper and lower-deck guns forwards, to bring her by the head as she hung abaft on the rocks, and kept two guns constantly firing from the stern-ports at the enemy's battery, but could not get them to bear. During the last twenty-four hours they had fortunately only one man wounded; but the ship was wretchedly injured between wind and water, and her rigging torn to pieces.

At six in the afternoon of the 30th the ship floated, when they cut away their yawl, having been sunk by a shot. They hove taught their cable, and then cut it away, together with the two hawsers, and sent the pinnace a-head to tow the ship off. Just as the ship got afloat, the enemy fired with great briskness from their new battery, their shot raking through the Success between wind and water, killed one of her men, and wounded two others.

The Success had now remained fifty hours as a fair mark for the enemy to fire at, during which they lost both their bower-anchors and cables, with the stern and kedge-anchors, four hawsers, four lower-deck guns, nineteen barrels of powder, two men killed and six wounded; and had they not now got off, it was believed they must have been sunk before morning. At ten in the forenoon of the 31st they hove to, and began to splice their rigging, not a rope of which had escaped the shot of the enemy. The masts and yards were all sore wounded; and the carpenters had to work during the whole night, stopping-the shot-holes in the hull.

They stowed away most of their guns in the hold, barred up the ports, hoisted in the launch and pinnace, and at noon steered away west under an easy sail, hoping to save their pa.s.sage before the western monsoon set in; the carpenters being fully occupied in fishing the masts and yards, and the rest of the crew in mending the rigging. At six in the evening of the 31st May, 1721, the body of the island of Guam bore E.

seven leagues distant, and they then took their departure; being in 15 20' N. designing now for China.

The conduct of Captain Clipperton at Guam was certainly exceedingly erroneous. He ought on no account to have permitted the marquis to go on sh.o.r.e till he had received the money for his ransom, and all the provisions of which he stood in need. The marquis had before behaved very ill to him, and had no t.i.tle to any favour; and if he had kept the marquis, the governor of Guam would not have had any opportunity of putting his schemes in execution. Clipperton committed also an egregious error in pretending to attack the town, and the ship in the harbour.

Though drunkenness is rather an aggravation than an excuse for misconduct, yet it is to be considered that Clipperton was a mere sailor, who had not the benefit of a liberal education, and that he fell into this sad vice from disappointment and despair. On all occasions he had shewn a humane and even generous disposition, with the most inflexible honesty, and a constant regard to the interest of his owners.

He is therefore much to be pitied, for having fled to the bottle under a load of misfortunes too heavy for him to bear.

The voyage upon which they had now to enter was very dangerous, the run from Manilla to China being estimated at 400 leagues; besides that the distance they had now to sail was much greater. They had only received a very moderate addition to their former scanty stock of provisions; and their vessel had been so roughly handled in the late unfortunate affair, that they were very apprehensive she would not last out the voyage. On careful examination, she was found to be in a very shattered condition, having scarcely a whole timber in her upper works, and one of her _fashion pieces_ being shot through, which is a princ.i.p.al support of the after-part of the ship, they were obliged to strap her, to keep her together. As it blew pretty fresh, they durst not carry sail, and for nearly a week together had to scud almost under bare poles, through variable winds, bad weather, and a rough sea. This was a melancholy situation for the people, in seas with which they were little acquainted, and sailing by charts on which they could not depend. Yet they found the accounts and charts of Dampier much superior to those laid down by persons of much greater figure, so that without these they had hardly been able to have extricated themselves from their difficulties. The 24th June they were in sight of the _Bashee_ Islands, in lat. 20 45' N. long. 121 40' E. On the 31st they saw the _island-shoals_ of _Pralas_, in lat. 21 N. long. 116 20' E. The 1st July they fell in with other islands, not laid down in any of their charts, which perplexed them sadly, not being able to form any certain judgment of their true course. They anch.o.r.ed under one of these islands in thirteen fathoms, and sent away one of their boats to endeavour to procure intelligence how Macao bore from them, that being the port to which they were bound. The pinnace returned on the 2d July, bringing a boat in which were three Chinese sailors, or fishermen, whom they could not understand, and all they could learn from them was, that Canton bore from them to the S.W.

On the 3d July, finding they had got too far to leeward of Macao, and being unable to procure a pilot, they resolved to sail for _Amoy_, as the only course that was left them, and accordingly arrived before that port in the evening of the 5th; but being afraid to enter it in the night, they plied off and on till daybreak of the 6th. They here noticed great numbers of snakes in the sea, brought down by the rivers that empty themselves upon that coast. The entrance into the port of _Amoy_ is sufficiently conspicuous, in consequence of a high mountain, on the top of which is a tower, or paG.o.da, which may be seen at the distance of twenty leagues out to sea, and has a small island immediately before the mouth of the bay. The river _Change-neu_[245] discharges itself here into the sea, forming a s.p.a.cious bay about eight leagues in circuit, where ships may ride at anchor in great safety, the only difficulty being in getting into port, which they happily accomplished in the evening of the 6th July, being well pleased to find themselves once more in a place where they might hope to procure refreshments, and be able to repair their ship; or if that were impracticable, whence they might procure a pa.s.sage home. Clipperton was as much rejoiced as the rest; for, having had his full share of afflictions and misfortunes at sea, he was happy in the prospect of securing a small sum of money for his own use, and sending home what belonged to the owners, if the ship were really past repairing, as his people reported.

[Footnote 245: No name resembling _Amoy_ is to be found on the coast of China in any of our best maps, and the text gives no distinct indication of its situation. The river _Changeneu_ of the text, perhaps refers to _Tchang-tcheou_, a city in the province of Fokien, having a large bay in lat. 24 30' N. long. 118 15' E. and _Amoy_ may have been some corruption of the port of discharge at the mouth of the river which pa.s.ses Tchang-tcheou.--E.]

They had no sooner anch.o.r.ed in the port than ten custom-house officers were placed on board. At Amoy, as in most other ports in China, the customs are under the direction of a single mandarin, called the Hoppo, or Hoppou. The Chinese are justly reputed the craftiest people in the world; and it is their invariable maxim to appoint the cunningest man they can find to the office of hoppo. It may be added, that the people of Amoy are reputed to be less nice in the principles of honour and honesty even than any others in China. The first thing demanded by these custom-house officers was, what the ship was, and what was her business at this port. Clipperton made answer, that the ship belonged to the King of Great Britain, and had put in there from stress of weather, in order to obtain a supply of provisions and other necessaries. The officers now demanded an exact account of the number of men and guns, the nature and amount of the cargo, and the time they intended to stay, all of which they set down in writing, and then departed.

Next morning the men mutinied, and insisted that Clipperton should pay them their prize-money immediately, as the Success was in no condition to proceed to sea. The man who made this demand was one John Dennison; and when Mr Taylor interposed in behalf of the captain, one Edward Boreman told him he had better desist, unless he had a mind to have a brace of bullets through his head. There was now an end of all regularity on board, the authority of the captain being completely overthrown. The country people supplied the ship with abundance of rice, with some cattle and fowls, together with wood and water, for which they were paid. On the 12th the officers went ash.o.r.e to wait upon the hoppo, who had a fine palace. He treated them with great civility, giving them leave to anchor in the harbour, and to remain there till the adverse monsoon was over; but for this he demanded 1700 dollars as port-charges, equal to near 400 sterling, and soon afterward received that sum in ready money.

It may be remembered that Mr Mitch.e.l.l went out from. England as second captain under Clipperton. On his going to Brazil, he was succeeded by Mr Davidson, who was slain in the unfortunate affair at Guam; to whom Mr Cook succeeded as second captain. He now demanded to receive thirty shares of the prize-money in that capacity, in which he was supported by the men, whom he courted by a continual compliance with all their humours. Captain Clipperton and the rest of the officers, seeing the turn matters were likely to take, were very desirous that some allowance should be reserved for the officers who were absent, and had been taken prisoners, and for Mr Hendrie and Mr Dod, who had joined them from the Speedwell: but all their endeavours were fruitless, as the men would not listen to any such allowances. While these disputes were going on, the men went ash.o.r.e as they pleased, without asking leave; and when the captain endeavoured to correct this licence, the whole company stood out, and would not submit to controul. After this every thing fell into confusion, and the men refused to work till they should receive their prize-money. They even applied to the chief mandarin of the place, styled _Hyhuug_ by the Chinese, to interpose his authority for obliging their captain to comply with their demands. This magistrate then summoned Captain Clipperton to appear before him, and demanded to know the reason why he refused to give the men satisfaction; on which the captain produced the articles, which contained expressly that they were not to receive their prize-money till their return to London. But Captain Cook, as he was now styled, gave quite a different account of this matter to the mandarin; on which a guard of soldiers was sent aboard the Success, with a peremptory order to Captain Clipperton immediately to settle the shares, and to pay them to the men, with which he was forced to comply.

This distribution was accordingly made on the 16th September, pursuant to the order of the chief mandarin; and as no allowance was reserved for those who had been made prisoners, or for the representatives of those who had died, or the two gentlemen who formerly served in the Speedwell, the prize-money stood thus:

The share of money and silver plate, dollars 280 The share of gold, 100 The share of jewels, 39 ----- Total share of a foremast-man, 419

Which, at 4s. 8d. the dollar, amounted to 97:15:4 sterling. According to this distribution: The share of the captain amounted to 1466, 10s.

The second captain had 733, 5s. The captain of marines, the lieutenants of the ship, and the surgeon, had each 488:16:8. Although Captain Cook and his a.s.sociates were thus able to carry their point, yet Captain Clipperton prevailed on the mandarin to set apart one half of the cargo for the benefit of the owners; which amounted, in money, silver, gold, and jewels, to between six and seven thousand pounds. This was afterwards shipped at Macao in a Portuguese ship, called the Queen of Angels, commanded by Don Francisco de la Vero. This ship was unfortunately burnt at Rio de Janeiro, on the coast of Brazil, on the 6th June, 1722; so that the owners, after deducting salvage, only received 1800.

The people and mandarins at Amoy have so conducted themselves for a long time, that, even among their own countrymen, this port has the appellation of _Hiamuin booz_, or Amoy the roguish. The fishermen on the coast, when they meet any European ship that seems intended for that port, p.r.o.nounce these words with a very significant air; but, for want of understanding the language, or perhaps from confidence in their own prudence, this warning is seldom attended to. The custom of this port is to disarm every ship that enters it, sending two frigates or armed vessels, called _chan-pans_, full of men, to ride close by the vessel, to ensure the execution of all orders from the _hoppo_ and chief mandarin. Besides the enormous imposition under the name of port charges, already mentioned, they have other strange methods of getting money. Thus, though the small craft of the country are at liberty to carry all sorts of provisions on board for sale, yet every one of these must in the first place go to one of the _chan-pans_, and pay there a tax or consideration for leave to go to the strange vessel. By this means, though provisions are here very plentiful, and ought therefore to be cheap, the price is enhanced at least a third. The mandarins have also a practice of sending presents of wine, provisions, and expensive curiosities, to the captain and other officers; of all which, when the ship is ready to sail, they send an exact memorial with the prices charged, the last article being so much for the clerk drawing up the account; and all this must be discharged in money or commodities, before their arms and ammunition are returned.

During a stay of ten weeks at this port, they sufficiently experienced all the artifices of this covetous and fraudulent people, from whom Captain Clipperton had no way to defend himself, and was therefore obliged to submit to all their demands. Towards the end of September, the season and their inclinations concurred to deliver them from this place; for by this time, even the common men began to be weary of the people, who shewed themselves finished cheats in every thing. On the 25th September, their arms and ammunition were restored, and that same day the Success weighed from the harbour, going out into the road or gulf, in order to proceed for Macao, to have the ship surveyed, as the men insisted she was not in a condition for the voyage home. Captain Clipperton affirmed the contrary, well knowing that the men insisted on this point merely to justify their own conduct, and to avoid being punished in England for their misbehaviour in China.

They weighed anchor from the Bay of Amoy, in the province of _Tonkin_,[246] on the 30th September, and anch.o.r.ed in the road of _Macao_ on the 4th October. This place had been an hundred and fifty years in the hands of the Portuguese, and had formerly been one of the most considerable places of trade in all China, but has now fallen much into decay. The way in which the Portuguese became possessed of this place gives a good specimen of Chinese generosity. In prosecuting their trade with China from India and Malacca, being often overtaken by storms, many of their ships had been cast away for want of a harbour, among the islands about Macao, on which they requested to have some place of safety allowed them in which to winter. The Chinese accordingly gave them this rocky island, then inhabited by robbers, whom they expelled. At first they were only allowed to build thatched cottages; but, by bribing the mandarins, they were permitted in the sequel to erect stone houses, and even to build forts. One of these, called _the Fort of the Bar_, is at the mouth of the harbour, and terminates at a rock called _Appenka_, where there is a hermitage of the order of St Augustine. There is another fort on the top of a hill, called the Fort of the Mountain; also another high fort, called _Nuestra Senhora de Guia_. The city of Macao stands on a peninsula, having a strong wall built across the isthmus, with a gate in the middle, through which the Chinese pa.s.s out and in at pleasure, but it is death for a Portuguese to pa.s.s that way.

[Footnote 246: This surely is an error for Fo-kien. Amoy has been before stated in the text as N.E. from Macao, whereas the _kingdom_ of Tonquin is S.W. from that port.--E.]

Some travellers have reported that the Portuguese were sovereigns of Macao, as of other places in India: But they never were, and the Chinese are too wise a people to suffer any thing of the kind. Macao certainly is as fine a city, and even finer, than could be expected, considering its untoward situation: It is also regularly and strongly fortified, having upwards of 200 pieces of bra.s.s cannon upon its walls. Yet, with all these, it can only defend itself against strangers. The Chinese ever were, and ever will be, masters of Macao, and that without firing a gun or striking a blow. They have only to shut up that gate and place a guard there, and Macao is undone; and this they have actually done frequently. Without receiving provisions from the adjacent country, the inhabitants of this city cannot subsist for a day; and besides, it is so surrounded by populous islands, and the Chinese are here so completely masters of the sea, that the Portuguese at Macao might be completely starved on the slightest difference with the Chinese. The Portuguese have indeed the government over their own people within the walls of this city; yet Macao is strictly and properly a Chinese city: For there is a Chinese governor resident on the spot, together with a hoppo or commissioner of the customs; and these Chinese mandarins, with all their officers and servants, are maintained at the expence of the city, which has also to bear the charges of the Portuguese government.[247]

[Footnote 247: The East India Company found all this to be true a few years ago, when its Indian government thought to have taken Macao from the Portuguese. Had this account of the matter been read and understood, they would not have unnecessarily incurred a vast expence, and suffered no small disgrace at Canton.--E.]

In spite of all this, the Portuguese inhabitants were formerly very rich, owing to the great trade they carried on with j.a.pan, which is now in a great measure lost. Yet, being so near Canton, and allowed to frequent the two annual fairs at that place, and to make trading voyages at other times, they still find a way to subsist, and that is all, as the prodigious presents they have to make on all occasions to the Chinese mandarins, consume the far greater part of their profits. Each of their vessels, on going up to Canton, has in the first place to pay 100 sterling for leave to trade. They are next obliged to make a considerable present, for permission to have their goods brought on board by the Chinese, to whom they must not only pay ready money for all they buy, but have sometimes to advance the price beforehand for a year.

After all this, they have to make another present for leave to depart, at least double the amount of what they formerly paid for liberty to trade; and they have to pay heavy duties to the emperor for every thing they buy or sell, besides their enormous presents to his ministers.

SECTION IV.

_Residence of Captain Clipperton at Macao, and Returns from thence to England._

On entering the port of Macao in the Success, Captain Clipperton saluted the fortress, which compliment was returned. He then went on sh.o.r.e, where he prevailed on the captain of a Portuguese ship of war, formerly mentioned, to carry the property belonging to his owners to Brazil. At this place, the crew of the Success found themselves considerably at a loss, as the Portuguese commander declared himself entirely in favour of Captain Clipperton. Captain Cook, therefore, and another of the officers of the Success, went up to Canton, to consult with Mr Winder, supercargo of an English East Indiaman, and son to one of the princ.i.p.al owners, as to what should be done with, the Success. On their return, the ship was surveyed, condemned, and sold for 4000 dollars, which was much less than her worth. This was, however, no fault in Captain Clipperton, who, to shew that he still adhered to his former opinion, that the ship was fit to proceed to England, agreed with the persons who purchased her for a pa.s.sage to Batavia, a convincing proof that he did not believe her in any danger of foundering at sea.

The ship being sold, the crew naturally considered themselves at liberty to shift for themselves, and to use their best endeavours each to save what little remained to him, after their unfortunate expedition. All were satisfied that Captain Mitch.e.l.l, with his crew and cargo, had either gone to the bottom or fallen into the hands of the Spaniards, so that they had no hopes of any farther dividend from that quarter; yet it was some consolation that they were so near the English factory at Canton, and as six dollars were required for a pa.s.sage to that place in one of the Chinese boats, twenty of them agreed to go there immediately, in hopes of getting a pa.s.sage from thence to England. Mr Taylor, one of the mates of the Success, was of the number: But before the boat set sail, he had some presentiment of danger, and chose rather to lose his money, by waiting for another opportunity. He had reason to be satisfied with himself for this conduct; as he soon learnt that the boat tad been taken by a pirate, and the people stript of all their property. After a short stay at Macao, Mr Taylor had an opportunity of going up to Canton in an armed boat along with a mandarin, for which he and the rest of the crew belonging to the Success, who went along with him, paid twenty dollars each. In their pa.s.sage up, they had satisfactory proof that in some cases there may be frugality in expence, as they saw a pirate take a boat in sight of that in which was the mandarin. This plainly shewed that the government winks at these things, perhaps deeming it good policy to raise thereby a considerable revenue, partly by presents from the pirates, and partly by sums paid by merchants and pa.s.sengers for protection. From this, and many other circ.u.mstances which might be adduced, the boasted wisdom of the Chinese is nothing more than the science of dexterously hiding their robberies from the inspection of the law: In which, perhaps, they are as much exceeded by some northern nations as in the use of the compa.s.s, of which they pretend to be the original inventors, and perhaps with justice; but both in the management of the compa.s.s, and in this political trade of pirating, they are equally clumsy.

Mr Taylor and his company arrived at the English factory in Canton on the 4th November, where they were well received, and promised all a.s.sistance for getting home. There were at this time ships ready to sail, first for several ports in India and then for Europe. The captains of these vessels, on being solicited by the gentlemen of the factory to take Captain Clipperton's men on board, agreed to carry them for five pounds a man, which they all accordingly paid, esteeming it a very great favour. Mr Taylor and two or three more embarked in the Maurice, Captain Peac.o.c.k, then riding at Wanapo, [Wampoa,] about three leagues below Canton, the place where European ships lie; and the rest of the company were distributed among the other ships. They sailed on the 9th, in company with the Macclesfield, an English East-Indiaman, and the House-of-Austria, belonging to Ostend. Mr Taylor arrived safely at Batavia in the month of December; sailed thence by the Cape and St Helena, and arrived in London in May 1722. The rest of the company returned also, some sooner and some later.

As for Captain Mitch.e.l.l, who was sent to Brazil with a small crew, he was never more heard of, having probably been destroyed at the island of Velas, where he went ash.o.r.e to procure fresh provisions. This has generally been considered as the greatest blemish in the management of Captain Clipperton, but I confess without just cause, in my opinion; as the great stress laid on that measure by Captain Rogers, might very well have induced Captain Clipperton to try what might be done in this way, especially as his owners had very strongly recommended the account of Captain Rogers to be his rule and guide. I also think the proposal in itself was very reasonable, and such as an officer who had the good of the expedition at heart had good grounds for trying. It was well known that the prize goods could produce little or nothing in the South Sea, as the Spanish governors demanded such exorbitant sums for liberty to trade, that no advantage could be derived from such a commerce, either in buying or selling. He knew also that it was to little purpose carrying these goods to Europe; and it was certainly much preferable to send them to a place where they might sell to advantage, and where the produce might be so invested as to procure a considerable profit on the voyage from Brazil to London. The vessel in which Captain Mitch.e.l.l sailed was very fit for the purpose, and every way well provided; and having a crew of thirteen English and ten negroes, was quite sufficient for the navigation.

Captain Clipperton sailed from Macao to Batavia, in his own ship the Success, after she was sold; and got a pa.s.sage to Europe in a Dutch ship. He arrived at Galway in Ireland, where he left his family, in June, 1722; being then in a very bad state of health, partly occasioned by his great fatigues, but chiefly through the concern he was under for the loss sustained by his owners in this unfortunate enterprize. It may be objected, that he ought to have returned from Holland to England, to give his owners the best account in his power respecting the events of the voyage. But, as he sent home their moiety of the profits in the Portugueze ship, which, had it not been destroyed by the way, had nearly covered the expence of fitting out the Success, taking in the money she sold for; and if we consider the reduced state of his health when he went to Galway, where he did not live above a week, he may well be excused for this step.

CHAPTER XII.

VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD BY CAPTAIN GEORGE SHELVOCKE, IN 1719-1722.[248]

INTRODUCTION.

In the introduction to the former voyage, a sufficient account has been given of the motives on which the expedition was founded, and the original plan of acting under an imperial commission; together with motives for changing this plan, and the reason of advancing Captain Clipperton to the chief command. In the new scheme of the voyage, Captain Shelvocke retained the command of the Speedwell, carrying twenty-four guns and 106 men, Mr Simon Hately being his second captain, an officer who has a good character given of him in the account of the former voyage by Captain Rogers. The marines were under the command of Captain William Betagh. Captain Shelvocke has himself written an account of the expedition, and another was published by Captain Betagh, so that the following narrative is composed from both. Shelvocke's narrative is, strictly speaking, an apology for his own conduct, yet contains abundance of curious particulars, written in an entertaining style, and with an agreeable spirit; while the other is written with much acrimony, and contains heavy charges against Captain Shelvocke, yet contains many curious circ.u.mstances.--_Harris_.

[Footnote 248: Harris, I. 198. Callender, III. 502.]

This is one of the best written voyages we have hitherto met with, yet extends rather to considerable length, considering its relative importance. On the present occasion, therefore, it has been endeavoured to lop off as many of its redundances as could be conveniently done without injury, yet leaving every circ.u.mstance of any interest or importance. The princ.i.p.al omission, or abbreviation rather, on the present occasion, is the leaving out several controversial matters, inserted by Harris from the account of this voyage by Betagh; which might have sufficient interest among contemporaries, a few years after the unfortunate issue of this misconducted enterprise, but are now of no importance, near a century later.--Ed.

SECTION I.

_Narrative of the Voyage from England to the South Sea._

Sailing from Plymouth on the 13th February, 1719, in company with the Success, we kept company no longer than to the 19th, when, between nine and ten at night, we had a violent storm at S.W. which increased so, that by eleven we were under bare poles. At midnight a sea struck us on our quarter, which stove in one of our dead lights on the quarter and another on our stern, by which we shipped a vast quant.i.ty of water before we could get them again fastened up, and we were a considerable time under great apprehension of foundering. On the 20th we could not see the Success; and this storm so terrified the greatest part of the crew, that seventy of them were resolved to bear away for England, alleging that the ship was so very crank she would never be able to carry us to the South Sea. But by the resolution of the officers they were brought back to their duty.

As the Canaries were the first place of rendezvous, we continued our course for these islands, where we arrived on the 17th March, and cruised there the time appointed by our instructions.[249] We next sailed for the Cape de Verde Islands, and arrived at Maio on the 14th April.[250] A little before arriving here, Turner Stevens[251] the gunner very gravely proposed to me and the rest of the officers to cruize in the Red Sea; as there could be no harm in robbing the Mahometans, whereas the Spaniards were good Christians, and it was a sin to injure them. I ordered him immediately into confinement, after which he became outrageous, threatening to blow up the ship. Wherefore I discharged him at his own request, and left also here on sh.o.r.e my chief mate, who had challenged and fought with Mr Brooks, my first lieutenant.

[Footnote 249: Clipperton arrived there on the 5th, and sailed thence on the 15th of March.--E.]

[Footnote 250: Clipperton came to St Vincent on the 24th March, and cruized in that neighbourhood for ten days, so that he must have sailed about the 31st, at least a fortnight before the arrival of Shelvocke.--E.]

[Footnote 251: Called Charles Turner by Betagh.--E.]

On the 18th, we went to _Port Praya_, in the island of St Jago, but finding nothing here but fair promises, I resolved to proceed to the island of St Catharine on the coast of Brazil, in lat. 20 30' S.[252]