A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume Ix Part 30

I also demanded to know from Dedall, what was their purpose in thus coming into the road of Puloroon, unless to molest us. He pretended that it was their usual custom in pa.s.sing that island. But I told them that was not true, as the islanders had declared there never was any christian ship in their roads till we came. So he remained silent. They came to anchor in the roads this day about three in the afternoon, and departed about eleven at night. We have been since certainly informed, that their purpose was to have taken possession of our ships by treachery, or to have driven us out of the roads, and only gave up their intentions on seeing that we were fortified on sh.o.r.e. Had they then a.s.sailed us, we had little doubt of being able to have defended ourselves against them, as we had both forts in readiness, the cannon charged, and the gunners prepared to give fire, on the first signal from our ships.

A Dutch ship and pinnace came from Nero on the 10th January; the pinnace edging near the small island or high sand, called _Nylacka_. This island is uninhabited, but full of trees and bushes, being daily resorted to by the men of Puloroon for fishing; and as belonging to Puloroon, belonged now to the English. On coming near the island, the people in the pinnace were observed continually sounding, wherefore we made four shots towards her from Fort Defence; but, not intending to strike her, shot wide. At every shot, the pinnace answered with a base, or some such piece, firing into the small island among the trees and bushes, where were some Englishmen and Bandanese of Puloroon, who were in no small danger from the shot. Seeing they braved us in this manner, the gunner was desired to do his best, and his next shot fell close over the stern of the pinnace or frigate, which made her presently go away. Their purpose of coming thus to sound about the small island, seemed to be to look out for a landing-place; meaning to come there with their forces, and there to fortify themselves, on purpose to compel us to quit the large island.

On the 13th, Mr Davey complained that he was in want of water, and proposed to go over for that purpose to Wayre upon Lantore; but on the people of Puloroon being informed of this, they would by no means consent to his going out of the roads, and indeed neither would we, fearing the Hollanders might do us some injury in his absence. The people of Puloroon, said they would rather bring him water from Lantore, in their proas. I went on board Mr Davey to acquaint him with this; but he and his people would not consent, saying the Bandanese would bring them rain water, or such other as was unwholesome, and that they would only be six days absent, or eight at most.

At this time, the princ.i.p.al people of Wayre, a free town on the island of Lantore, and of the separate island of Rosinging, came over to us, to enter into a parley respecting the surrender of both to the sovereignty of his majesty; and the formal deed of surrender being agreed upon and drawn up, they desired that some Englishmen might go over to receive the same in a public manner from all their hands, and to witness the ceremonial. As Mr Davey still persisted to go over with his ship, it was resolved upon, that Messrs Sophonie Cozocke, George Muschamp, Robert Fuller, and Thomas Hodges, should go over in the Swan to Wayre and Rosinging, to see that business accomplished, while the Swan was procuring water; after which, it was appointed that Mr Cozocke was to return in the Swan, while the other three were to remain upon the island of Rosinging for possession, till farther orders. All business being there concluded to our satisfaction, several persons in Wayre and Rosinging desired to load nutmegs and mace in the Swan, and to have a pa.s.sage for Puloroon, there to sell us their spices for rice and cloths.

All this was agreed to, and twelve of these persons came on board, with a great quant.i.ty of nutmegs and mace.

The Swan then set sail for Geulegola, which is only a little way from Wayre, and there watered, after which she again set sail. When about eight leagues from the land, a Holland ship or two gave them chace. The people of the Swan now asked Mr Davey what he proposed to do. He answered, "They see my colours and I see theirs: I know them to be Dutch, and they know us to be English: I know of no injury I have done them, and I will continue my course for Puloroon." In short time, the Star, for such was the Dutch ship, got up within shot of the Swan, and without hailing, or giving the smallest intimation of her intention, let fly both with great guns and small arms in the most violent manner.

The Swan received two or three great shot through and through before she replied, and even had some of her men slain. After this, as Mr Davey writes, the fight continued an hour and a half, during which five men were killed in the Swan, viz. Mr Sophonie Cozocke, merchant, who was driven to pieces by a cannon-ball, Robert Morton, quartermaster and drummer, Christopher Droope, Edward Murtkin, and a Bantianese pa.s.senger from Wayre. Three others were maimed, having lost arms or legs, with very little hopes of recovery; and eight others were wounded, most of them mortally. During the engagement, a Dutchman stood upon the p.o.o.p of the Star with a drawn sword, calling out in the Dutch language, English villains and rogues, we will kill you all.

The people of the Swan were much discouraged, on seeing so many of their companions dead and wounded, insomuch that none of them would stand by the sails to trim the ship to the best advantage so that the Hollander lay upon her quarter pouring in great and small shot, and at last look her by boarding, both with soldiers and others. They immediately broke open and pillaged the cabins, plundered the men basely of their clothes and every thing else worth taking, and throwing overboard whatever did not please their fancies. Even the Spaniards never used more stern cruelty in their professed wars, than did now the Dutch to us, with whom they were in peace and amity. The Star had on board 160 men, mostly soldiers taken from the castles of Nero and Puloway, while the Swan had not above thirty able to stand to quarters, the rest being sick or lame, and all much worn out in toilsome labour at Puloroon, in landing the ordnance and constructing the two forts. Ten also of their complement had been left in Puloroon to defend the two forts, two of whom, Herman Hammond and John Day, were gunners. The Swan being thus taken and sore battered in the action, was carried away under the guns of the castle at Nero. The Dutch gloried much in their victory, boasting of their exploit to the Bandanese, saying, That the king of England was not to be compared with their great king of Holland: _That Saint George was now turned a child_, and they cared not for the king of England; for one Holland ship was able to take ten English ships. They landed all our men at Nero, and kept them all strict prisoners, many of them in irons.

The Swan left us at Puloroon on the 16th of January, and we expected her back in eight or ten days at farthest, but never heard of her till the 25th of February, when Robert Fuller came over to us from Rosinging and Wayre; to acquaint us that be had heard of an English ship being under the guns of Nero castle. We immediately sent away Robert Hayes, the purser of the Defence, accompanied by some of the chief men of Puloroon, with directions to land on that side of Lantore which was in friendship with us, and to go as near as possible to the Dutch ships with a flag of truce, to enquire into the matter. After staying almost two hours, there came at last a boat to fetch him off, but made him wade to the middle before they would take him in. Being taken on board one of the Dutch ships, the president and a.s.sistants of Nero met him, when he demanded to know why they had made prize of the Swan, what was become of her men, and wherefore they detained our ship and goods. They answered, that _time should bring all to light_. Still urging for an answer, they used many opprobrious words against the English, threatening to come over to Puloroon with their forces, and to drive us from there and other places.

To this Hayes replied, that they had already done much more than they could answer for, and was obliged to come away without seeing any one belonging to the Swan. He could however see our poor ship all rent and torn, in view of the natives, as an ill-got and dishonourable trophy of Dutch treachery and ingrat.i.tude. In a short time after, they sent over a messenger to us with a letter, which we answered, as we did others afterwards, their messengers frequently coming over with flags of truce, all of which letters, together with the surrenders, I brought over with me to Bantam, and delivered to Captain Ball.

The Dutch continually threatened us, by their letters and messengers, that, as they had now taken tee Swan, they would soon come and take possession of the Defence, and drive us from the island of Puloroon. We always answered, that we expected them, and would defend ourselves to the last. They made many bravados, daily shooting off forty, fifty, or sixty pieces of ordnance at Nero and Puloway, thinking to frighten us.

Also the people of Lantore brought us word that they were fitting out their ships, and shipping planks and earth, which we imagined was for land service. They had then seven ships, four gallies and frigates, and a great number of men, with all which force they threatened to come against us. We were told likewise, that they had endeavoured to prevail on their black slaves, by promise of freedom and great rewards, to come over secretly to Puloroon and set fire to the Defence. The Hollanders also, threatened that we should carry no spices from Puloroon or any other of the Banda islands. Thereupon, considering our engagements with the people of Puloroon, Wayre, and Rosinging, to all of whom we had trusted our goods, and that we had ready at Puloroon a good quant.i.ty of nutmegs and mace, and the threats of the Hollanders, we resolved to maintain the honour of our king and country, and to defend the interest of our employers, the honourable Company, to the utmost of our power.

For this purpose, we determined to land all the guns, provisions, and stores, from the Defence, and to fortify the small island of Nylacka adjoining to Puloroon; which the Hollanders proposed to have fortified formerly; which, if they had done, would have commanded the road, and done us much injury, as the people of Puloroon would have been prevented from fishing, and English ships could not have come into the roads.

Having therefore landed all the ordnance of the Defence, except four pieces of cannon, and being busied in erecting a fortification with the a.s.sistance of the Bandanese, Mr Hinshley also, the master of the Defence, being ash.o.r.e, and every one hard at work landing the things, except a few left on board to keep the ship, a conspiracy was entered into by some of the men on the 20th March, 1617; and that same night they cut the cables and so drove out to sea. Perceiving this from the small island, we immediately sent a boat after them, advising them to return with the ship: But the mutineers would neither listen to them, nor suffer the boat to come near the ship, pointing their pieces at them, and even fired one musket-shot to keep off the boat; which was therefore compelled to return to the small island. There went away in the Defence nine of our men, including John Christmas, the boatswain's mate, and we could distinctly see them next day going into Nero roads under sail, and come to anchor under the guns of the castle. As we afterwards learnt, some of the runaways went immediately on sh.o.r.e to inform the Dutch of their exploit, contending among themselves which of them had piloted the ship. They even brought a can of wine ash.o.r.e with them, and drank to the Hollanders on landing.

The Dutch took immediate possession of the Defence, and brought all our rascally deserters into their castle, where they examined them as to our proceedings at Puloroon and Nylacka, in regard to our fortifications and means of defence. By this scandalous affair, we were in great danger of being all put to death by the Bandanese of Puloroon, as they suspected the desertion of our ships to have been a concerted matter between us and the Hollanders, on purpose to betray them. By this likewise, as our weakness was made known to the Hollanders, they might be encouraged to attack us. Indeed they made many violent threatenings of so doing, and we daily looked for their appearance; which, if they had so done, must have cost many lives, as we were greatly enraged against them for the capture of the Swan, and the severe usage of her people.

On the 23d of March, we sent a letter to the Hollanders at Nero, by Robert Fuller, who landed upon Lantore; but, owing to some difference between the people of that island and the Dutch, he could not be allowed to pa.s.s, so that he had to return. The 25th there came a messenger to us from Lawrence Ryall, the princ.i.p.al commander of the Hollanders, newly come to Nero from the Moluccas, desiring Mr Courthop and I would come in a proa to hold a conference with two of his princ.i.p.al merchants, half-way between Puloroon and Puloway; but we refused this request, being afraid of treachery. By this messenger we had a letter from Mr Davies, then a prisoner at Nero, intimating his disapprobation of our proceedings in keeping possession of Puloroon, alleging that our commission did not warrant us in so doing, and recommending a parley between us and the Dutch general, to prevent the loss of any more lives.

It appeared that he was instigated to give us this advice by the Hollanders, who had made him believe that they had authority in writing from our king, to make prize of any English ships they found to the east of Celebes, as we afterwards learnt to our great surprise, since, if they actually had such authority we must have obeyed.

We wrote to Lawrence Ryall, by his messenger, that, if he would send over Henrick de Watterfoord and Peter de Yonge, two of his princ.i.p.al merchants, to remain as pledges in Nylacka, Mr Courthop and another should be sent to confer with him. We got back for answer, that the merchants we demanded as pledges could not be sent, as the one was gone to sea, and the other could not be spared, being their chief book-keeper; but offering us two other princ.i.p.al merchants, whom we agreed to accept. Accordingly, on the 6th April, the Dutch galley brought over these two, whom we lodged in a tent near the landing-place under a guard of twelve Englishmen to protect them from the Bandanese, as we did not think it right to bring them into our fort, that they might not have an opportunity of viewing our fortifications.

Mr Courthop went immediately over to Nero in their galley, and had a long conference with the Dutch, in which they used many threats, and complained of many injuries they pretended to have suffered from the English, but of which I shall only briefly treat, as the letter from Mr Courthop, which I brought over from Banda and delivered to Captain Ball, will certify your worships at large on this matter. They complained, that Sir Henry Middleton had used the Dutch colours, when in the Red Sea, pretending to be Holland ships, to their injury and discredit. To this Mr Courthop replied, that it was false, as he had sailed with Sir Henry, and never knew him to wear Dutch colours; which, moreover, Sir Henry was too much a gentleman to have done. They pretended to have our king's letter, authorizing them to capture any English ship seen to the eastwards of the Celebes. Mr Courthop urged them to produce this letter, on seeing which he declared his readiness to obey the authority of his sovereign, and to evacuate Puloroon; but they had none such to produce.

They alleged many other things, equally false, and used many arguments to induce us to quit Puleroon. All this time, neither Mr Davies nor any other of the English in their hands were permitted to come near Mr Courthop.

Finding he could not prevail, Lawrence Ryall, the Dutch general, grew much discontented, throwing his hat on the ground and pulling his beard for sheer anger. At length Mr Courthop told him, that he could conclude nothing of his own authority, being joined with a council, but should relate every thing that had pa.s.sed at Puloroon, which should be taken into consideration and an answer sent. I had advised him to say this, to get the easier away. Mr Courthop also urged them to restore our ship the Defence, with her men and goods; but they would not, unless we agreed to surrender Puloroon: offering, if we would deliver up Nylacka and our fort, in which we had twelve pieces of ordnance, that they would then restore both the Swan and Defence, with all our men and goods. Ryall then desired Mr Courthop to sign a note which he had drawn, acknowledging the proffers he had made, but this Mr Courthop refused.

They had so wrought upon Mr Davies, that they expected he might be able to prevail upon Mr Courthop to come into their terms, and now therefore brought him to Mr Courthop, with whom he had much discourse, and particularly urged the truth of the letter they pretended to have from the king of England, as before mentioned. When Mr Courthop told him what he had offered, in case that letter were produced, Mr Davies distinctly saw he had been imposed upon, and broke out into a rage against them, for having told so many falsehoods;[257] adding, that they had promised him and his men good treatment, but that his men complained of being in great want of food and clothing, and of general hard usage. They had sat in judgment upon him and his men, condemning them to remain as prisoners till they had orders from Holland as to their ultimate destination. He even said, that he was willing to continue in durance, provided we could keep them out of Puloroon. The conference being ended, Mr Courthop came back to Nylacka in the galley, and the pledges were restored.

[Footnote 257: Purchas, in a side note at this place, quaintly converts the name of the Dutch general into Lawrence _Ly-all_.--E.]

The eastern monsoon being now come, we fitted out a proa to send with dispatches to Bantam, giving an account of what had pa.s.sed; and it was agreed that Mr Hinchley and I were to go, accompanied by four Englishmen and fourteen natives of Puloroon, of whom five were chiefs, or _orancays_, one of them being son to the sabander, who is the princ.i.p.al man of the island. We set sail from Puloroon on the 17th April, 1617, and when in sight of Bottone on our way for Maca.s.sar, we descried a large ship and a pinnace, which gave us chase under a press of sail, so that we had no means of escape, except by standing in for Bottone. After being chased half a day, we got near the town of Bottone by night, thinking the ships could not have got so far up the river; but seeing the ship and pinnace almost within musket-shot of us next morning, we presently landed most of what we had in the proa, taking refuge in the woods. Having so done, we went immediately to the king, to whom we gave a present of such things as we had, to the value of about thirty dollars, desiring his protection, which he promised in the kindest manner, and faithfully performed. He sent his servants along with us, to put all our things into a house, giving us also two houses for our lodging, desiring us to remain within, that we might not be discovered by our enemies.

Almost immediately afterwards, the Hollanders went to the king, giving him a present three times the value of ours, and enquired who we were that had landed. To which the king answered that he knew not who we were. On being asked by the king how long they meant to stay, the Dutch said they proposed remaining six days; of which the king sent us notice, advising us to keep close for that time, that we might proceed in greater security after they were gone. But at the end of these six days the Dutch said they would stay six days longer, pretending they had to repair one of their masts. Seeing their intention, and because our proa lay in view of the Dutch, we bought another proa, into which the king made all our things be carried by his slaves, causing them to navigate that proa past the Hollanders, and to carry her to the back of the island, whither he sent us over land under the protection of fifty men.

We went immediately aboard, but remained under the island till near night, when we stood our course for Maca.s.sar, and saw no more of the Hollanders.

We arrived at Maca.s.sar on the 7th May, where we found the Attendance intending for Banda, but was unable to beat up, owing to the change of the monsoon. Having shipped in the Attendance 180 _suckles_ of mace, purchased at Maca.s.sar, we sent the proa to Banjarma.s.sen and Succadanea in Borneo, with advice that a supply of goods could not be sent there as expected, owing to the non-arrival of the Solomon, which had been long expected at Bantam. The 3d June we arrived at Bantam. As Captain George Barkley was dead, to whom Mr Ball succeeded as chief of the factory, I have delivered all the papers to him, and doubt not that your worships may receive them by the first conveyance. Those are, two surrenders, the letters from the Hollanders with our answers, and every thing relative to our proceedings in Banda.

When I left Puloroon, it was agreed that another proa was to be dispatched for Bantam in twenty days after our departure, lest we might have been pursued and taken by the Hollanders. Accordingly a proa[258]

was sent, in which was laden 170 suckles of mace, containing 3366 cattees, each cattee being six English pounds and nearly two ounces, costing at the rate of one dollar the cattee;[259] which, had it gone safe, might have sold in England for 5000. In this proa there were eight Englishmen and thirty Bandanese, under the charge of Walter Stacie, who had been mate under Mr Hinchley in the Defence. His knowledge and care, however, did not answer expectation, for he ran the proa on the rocky shoals near the island of Bottone, where she bilged and lost all the mace, the men getting ash.o.r.e. Stacie is much blamed by the rest, some of whom told him they saw land on the lee-bow, but he was peevish and headstrong, calling them all fools, and would not listen to them.

[Footnote 258: In a marginal note, this is called a junk.--E.]

[Footnote 259: From the statement in the text, the suckle appears to have been about 122 English pounds, and the quant.i.ty of mace accordingly, shipped on this occasion, about 185 cwt. or 9 1/4 tons.--E.]

May it please your worships to understand, that the Hollanders replied, when told that their vile abuses to us would lie heavy on them when known in Europe, "That they can make as good friends in the court of England as your worships; that this which they have done will oblige your worships and them to join, so that a gold chain will recompence all, and they have dollars enough in Holland to pay for a ship or two, providing they can hinder us from trading at Banda."

In regard to the trade of the Banda islands, Puloroon is reported to be the worst island. It is about eight English miles in circuit, and the small adjoining island of Nylacka is about a mile round. There is a tolerable quant.i.ty of nutmegs and mace grown on Puloroon, and considerably more might be got there if the island were well cultivated.

Rosengin is a fine island, producing the largest nutmegs and best mace of all the Banda islands; and, if we hold possession of Puloroon, abundance of nutmegs and mace could be had from Rosengin, Lantore, and other places; as the natives would come over to us with their spices, provided we supply them with rice, cloth, salt, pepper, mola.s.ses, and other necessaries, and some Maca.s.sar gold, which pa.s.ses as current in Banda as Spanish rials of eight, and at the same rate, though only worth at Bantam two shillings and fourpence or two and sixpence, for the piece called ma.s.s. Our cargo was small, having only 100 _quoines_ of rice, and our cloth was much decayed, having lain two or three years at Maca.s.sar.

If we had had three times as much, we could have sold it all at Puloroon for mace and nutmegs, being entreated for cloth and rice by people from Lantore, Rosengin and other places, but had it not, so that some returned home again with part of their spices. They came over to Puloroon in the night with proas and corracorras. The mace and nuts were very good, but must be injured by lying so long, owing to the molestations of the Hollanders, while we had no lime for preserving the nuts. The trade will turn out very profitable, if we may quietly possess the island of Puloroon; but we must buy rice at a lower rate than in Maca.s.sar, and I understand it can be had in j.a.pan for about half the price.

In regard to our right to the Banda islands, especially Puloway, Captain Castleton might have made that secure, as I have often been told; and at all events, we have a much better right than the Hollanders, who by force of arms have dispossessed us. Except Puloroon be supplied this year, and the possession maintained, the English name will be utterly disgraced, with little chance of our ever being received there again. If we are able to hold it until your worships have determined what to do in the matter, we shall soon be able to procure there as much mace and nutmegs as the Hollanders; and it may also serve as an entrance into the Moluccas for cloves. The Hollanders pretend an exclusive right to the Bandas and Moluccas, in consequence of having the son of the king of Ternate in their hands as a prisoner. But the Bandanese deny that the king of Ternate has any right of dominion in their islands, every one of their islands being free, and governed by sabanders and orancays of their own appointment.

It is indispensible, that supplies of rice and other victuals, and cloth, should be sent for the English and Bandanese, and to bring away the nutmegs and mace we have there in G.o.downs or warehouses. The Hollanders give out that they will take all your ships that go to those parts, so as to famish both the English and Bandanese; wherefore it requires earnest and speedy attention, that we may quietly enjoy our trade to these islands, which have been surrendered to us, and desire our trade. These are Puloway, Puloroon, Rosengin, and Wayre, which last is a town in Lantore. Puloway is reported to be a paradise, and the Hollanders allege that it is as much worth to them as Scotland is to his majesty. Even should your worships not be able to get Puloway restored, yet, if you enjoy the other three, we shall be able to procure enough of nutmegs and mace for the supply of England, and also for the trade of Surat and other places in India. Now is the time or never, considering the vile abuses and murders committed upon us by the Hollanders. At this time, the Charles and the Hope are bound home from Bantam, and I pray G.o.d to send them safe to London. I have sent your worships a brief abstract of our cargo for Banda, and of the sales made there. If I seem tedious, I humbly crave pardon; and, with my humble duty, beseeching the Almighty to prosper and give good success to all your designs, I humbly take leave,

being your worships most humble servant in all duty,

_Thomas Spurway_.

SECTION X.

FIFTH VOYAGE THE JOINT STOCK BY THE ENGLISH EAST INDIA COMPANY, IN 1617, UNDER THE COMMAND OF CAPTAIN MARTIN PRING.[260]

INTRODUCTION.

The fleet appointed for this voyage consisted of five ships; the James Royal of 1000 tons, Rowland Coytmore master; the Ann Royal of 900 tons, Andrew Shilling master; the Gift of 800 tons, Nathaniel Salmon master; the Bull of 400 tons, Robert Adams master; and the Bee of 150 tons, John Hatch master; the whole under the supreme command of Martin Pring, general, who sailed in the James Royal.--_Purch._

[Footnote 260: Purch. Pilgr. I. 63.]

--1. _Occurrences on the Voyage out, and at Surat, Bantam, and Jacatra_.

On Tuesday the 4th February, 1617, our fleet dropt down from Gravesend.

Thursday the 6th, Mr deputy Maurice Abbot, with several of the commissioners, came aboard and mustered all our men, paying their harbour wages. These gentlemen left us next day, when all our men were entered upon whole pay. After much foul weather, we departed from the Downs on the 5th March. The 22d of June we Lad sight of Saldanha point, and anch.o.r.ed that same afternoon in the bay, whence we departed on the 13th July. The moon was totally eclipsed at night of the 6th August; it began at eight o'clock and continued till past eleven, being totally eclipsed for an hour and half. On the 25th August at night, between seven and eight o'clock, being in lat.i.tude 4 20' S. the water of the sea seemed almost as white as milk, and so continued till morning, when it began to alter. Next night we found the water similar, but not altogether so white. Before day on the 30th, the water was again white, and likewise the next night; but on all these occasions we could find no ground.

On the night of the 8th September at twelve o'clock, our ship sprung a leak, which, when discovered, had raised the water in our hold six feet and a half. In four hours, with both pumps, the ship was freed, but we afterwards found that the water increased at the rate of a foot in the half hour. In the morning of the 9th, I summoned the chief commanders of the fleet on board, desiring them to send their carpenters to a.s.sist in searching for the leak, and some of each of their companies to aid our men in pumping. Some were set to rummage the hold in search of the leak, and others to stick our sprit-sail full of oak.u.m, with which we made several trials under the ship's bilge, but could not find the leak. We at length found, by divers trials within board, that the leak was before the main-mast; and we, next morning, fitted the sprit-sail again, letting it down at the stern, and brought it forwards by degrees, and at length, by G.o.d's blessing, our leak was partly stopped, as the water only rose about six inches in a gla.s.s, which had before risen twelve inches. Bat within three gla.s.ses, the oak.u.m being washed out, the leak increased as before. This night we got an additional pump from the Bull, to free the water from the fore part of our ship, where it stood eighteen inches deeper than in our well. The 11th, we again fitted our sprit-sail with oak.u.m and let it down again, when it pleased G.o.d so to favour us, that in an hour after our ship was tighter than ever.

On the morning of the 12th we espied a sail, which the Gift came up with in the afternoon, being a Portuguese ship belonging to Don Pedro de Almeyda, from Mozambique bound for Diu, laden princ.i.p.ally with about fifty quintals of elephants teeth. In the morning of the 20th the Bee rejoined us from Swally roads, informing us that the rest of our fleet was safe in that anchorage. They had brought in with them a junk and two other ships, which they had chased on the 16th. The junk was a great ship of Surat, belonging to the mother of the Great Mogul, burden about 1200 or 1400 tons, having in her above 1000 persons, and twenty-nine tons of silver, though some said a great deal more. The other two were English interlopers, called the Francis and the Lion: the former of 160 tons, belonging to-----, and commanded by Captain Neuce; and the latter of 120 tons, fitted out by Philip Bernardy, an Italian merchant in London, commanded by Thomas Jones, who had formerly been boatswain of the Hector.

This evening we anch.o.r.ed in the road of Swally, where we found the rest of our fleet, with the foresaid junk and the two English privateers. On oar arrival, we heard of two Dutch ships having been cast away at _Gowdever_;[261] the Rotterdam of 1000 tons, and a small pinnace. The 9th October, I sent up twenty-one chests of coral to Surat, which were landed two days before from the Ann; and at night I sent up eight tons and four hundredweight of elephants teeth, taken out of our Portuguese prize. This afternoon twenty sail of frigates from Goa arrived at the bar of Surat, commanded by the Captain-major Don Pedro de Asadedo, [_Asovedo_?] From one of these, five of the country people came ash.o.r.e among our men, two of whom were taken by our guard, and confessed they came from Goa a month before, having orders from the viceroy to range the coast, to discover the English, when they were to return; but if the English were not on the coast, they were to proceed for Cambay, to capture the caffila, or convoy of country vessels.

[Footnote 261: This name is inexplicably corrupt.--E.]

In the morning of the 14th October, seventeen of the frigates departed for Cambay, pa.s.sing fairly by us. This day likewise I sent fourteen tons of elephants teeth to Surat, under a guard of thirty-six men, who likewise conveyed our treasure to Ahmedabad; and, on the 17th, I sent other twelve tons four hundredweight of elephants teeth. This day the Portuguese frigates returned again, and pa.s.sed in our sight to the southwards. Next day we sent off all the rest for our ivory; and on the 22d we landed sixteen chests of coral, and two of sea-horse teeth, out of the Bull.

The 14th November, a month's pay was distributed to all the ships companies, except the chief commanders and merchants, amounting to 3302 Spanish dollars. After this, the Bee was sent off for Jasques; and we landed from the other ships cloth, tin, cases of wine and strong waters, and all the rest of the presents that were in the cabin.

The 17th January, 1618, the Bee returned from Persia. This day seven Malabar junks were seen in the offing, two of which were brought in by the Francis, and two by the Bee. We departed from Swally roads on the 12th March, and anch.o.r.ed that same evening near the bar of Surat. The 17th, in the morning, the wind coming about northerly, the Ann departed for the Red Sea, and on the 18th I dispatched the Bull. At noon of this day, standing to the southward, we were in lat. 11 25' N. the wind, as for four or five days before, being, at night, a slight breath from the land, and, by day, in the afternoon, a fresh breeze from the sea. In the forenoon of this day, we saw eight sail to the southward of us, and three between us and the land, besides two sallies and ten frigates. In the afternoon of the 28th, the Francis and the Bee being near the sh.o.r.e abreast of Calicut, the Zamorin sent off a boat desiring to speak with me, but I was too far shot to the southwards before the message reached me.