A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume Ix Part 14

On the 3d February, 1615, there arrived at the waterside twenty-four bales of indigo, seven packs of white, seven of black, and four of blue _bastas,_ six packs of cotton yarn, three of _candikens,_ and one pack of _crecany,_ all of which were brought immediately on board. This day also the supplies for the viceroy came in sight, being two ships of burden, two junks, and eight or ten of the country boats. The nabob sent me a message by _Lacandas,_ that these were not for the purpose of fighting, but were full of combustibles, meant to be set on fire, and allowed to drift with the tide upon our ships in the night. I was glad of this information, and took immediate measures to prevent the consequences of such an attempt, as well as to defend ourselves from the smaller vessels. The spring-tides were now near the highest, and were consequently fittest for their attacks, so that I expected them every tide; and to let them see I was ready for their reception, and how little I cared for them, I directed the setting and clearing our watch, mornings and evenings, to be announced by a volley of shot from every ship, pointing the best piece in my ship at the prow of the viceroy's ship, to try his temper, and to daunt the courage of his people. It pleased G.o.d this morning, when I had least leisure for mourning, to call my only son, George Downton, to his mercy, who was buried next morning ash.o.r.e, and the volleys intended to insult the viceroy, served also to honour his obsequies.

This morning also, while expecting an a.s.sault from the Portuguese, I was visited by one _Mousa Attale,_ a Malabar captain, together with his troop, from whom I got a description of the princ.i.p.al ports and harbours of his country, expressing my anxious desire to become acquainted with them, and to have league and intercourse between them and the English, with mutual trade and friendship. He seemed willing to encourage this proposal, and requested letters to that effect from me, which their ships might shew to my countrymen when they happened to meet, which I gave him, as also a letter for his king, requesting kind usage for my countrymen if any of their ships should come into his harbours. After some conference, he departed, and I presented him with a sword-blade, and three or four knives.[128] This day the master of the Hope represented that he had several men killed in the former engagement, and many hurt, bruised, and disabled from service, on which I sent him three men from my ship, four from the Hector, and four from the Salomon.

[Footnote 128: These knives, so often mentioned as presents in India, were probably daggers.--E.]

The 5th I had letters from Mr Aldworth, informing of his arrival at Baroach with his companions, and saying that he had been set upon by 200 Rajput thieves, nine _coss_ from Baroach, the day before, the thieves being armed with pikes, matchlocks, and bows and arrows; but, after some skirmishing, they fled, three of them being slain, and more wounded. In this affair Humphrey Elkington was shot through the thigh with an arrow, one of the hors.e.m.e.n sent by Surder Khan to guard our people was killed, and Mr Aldworth's horse sore wounded. The nabob sent me word that the viceroy proposed to a.s.sault me this day, and therefore sent Coge Nozan to guard the land. Nozan came accordingly to the water side, and sent his son, _Mamud Iehad,_ to visit me on board, accompanied by a chief named _Kemagee,_ the son of _Leckda.r.s.ee, rajput_ chieftain of _Guigamar_ or _Castelletto,_[129] who had for a long time maintained war with the Moguls and Portuguese. These chiefs entreated permission to see and partake in the fight, and as no a.s.sault was made that day, they remained all night on board. The _rajput_ chief went ash.o.r.e next morning, but the other remained on board two or three days, and seeing the enemy would do nothing, he went likewise ash.o.r.e.

[Footnote 129: On a former occasion supposed to have been Jumbosier.--E.]

On the forenoon of the 8th, we received more indigo aboard, and in the afternoon all the Portuguese frigates, with the two junks, and two gallies, came driving up with the flood, as if for some attempt against us, either by fire, which I most doubted, or otherwise. We therefore got under weigh and advanced to meet them, upon which they all made off as fast as they could, and we came again to anchor. This was merely a device, to make us believe their fire-boats were to come against us from the south, and that we might have no suspicion of their coming from the northwards; wherefore they again a.s.sembled all their junks, frigates, and galleys next night, a little without the sands, to call our attention from the northern quarter. But I was aware of that being the place of greatest danger; and though I commanded a careful outlook to be kept both ways, I especially enjoined to be watchful in the north quarter, as it fell out accordingly. A little within the night, between us and a great light to the westwards, upon the island of Gogo, we could discern them creeping up to the north upon the flood; and then, about ten o'clock at night, when very dark, and before the moon rose, upon the last quarter of the ebb tide, there came down towards us two fire-boats, towed by two frigates, which we happily descried before they came nigh, and plied them heartily both with great guns and small arms. By this we soon beat off the frigates, which set the fire-boats adrift, and made sail from us.

One of the fire-boats drifted clear of the Gift, Hector, and Salomon, but got athwart the cable of the Hope, and presently blew up; but, blessed be G.o.d, the Hope received no harm, having cut her cable and got clear. The other fire-boat came up likewise on the quarter of the Hope, all in flames, but did no harm, as she drifted past with the ebb. She came up again with the tide of flood, and was like to have got foul of us; but our boats towed her ash.o.r.e continually burning. The former one floated likewise back with the flood, but sank near us in the morning.

This day I had a letter from Thomas Kerridge, specifying that Nicholas Whittington had gone distracted, and expressing some doubts of Richard Steel.

The 10th, at night, about the same time as before, two other fire-boats came against us, towed by four or five frigates, bearing directly on the Hector. Immediately on perceiving them, the Gift and Hector let drive at them with great guns and small arms, so that the frigates threw them adrift, firing them sooner than they otherwise would. The burning boats floated toward the Hector, but having a stiff breeze, drifted past to leewards. Within half an hour after, we perceived many boats drifting towards the Hector, against which we again let drive, forcing the frigates to abandon them in such a hurry that they only set two of them on fire, there being four of them chained together. Fortunately we had a stiff gale, and by edging up to windward, they all floated clear to leeward. While pa.s.sing, our gunner made a shot at one of the boats that was unfired, which struck her and set her on fire. The vehemence of the flames reached the fourth boat, and set her likewise on fire; so they all drifted ash.o.r.e in flames, hard by our landing-place. My pinnace took three of the actors in a small canoe, in which they thought to have escaped. Two of these men were brought aboard my ship, the third being left in the Hector. Besides these, our _gelliwat_ picked up another, which she brought with her. Thus did G.o.d disappoint all the malicious practices of our enemy.

Seeing himself foiled in all his injurious attempts, the viceroy set sail on the 11th, and fell down to the bar of Surat, where he anch.o.r.ed.

Being suspicious that he meant to attempt taking Surat, I resolved, in that case, to have gone with my ships to set upon his fleet, which must have constrained him to desist from his enterprise against Surat, as I was desirous to a.s.sist in defending a place where we had so great a stock, and so many of our merchants. But the viceroy durst not trust me so far as to unman his ships, lest I should come against him. In the night he sent all his frigates into the river, and sent some person to propose peace, but received a flat denial. The 12th, the nabob sent _Lacandas_ to inform me that five or six frigates had gone to the northwards, having four or five fire-boats, which they meant to let drive upon us in the night, and therefore wished me to keep a good look-out. I acknowledged his kindness, and was glad of his care, though needing no such admonition, as I was equally suspicious of their practices when out of sight as when they rode near us. The nabob had this intelligence from the Jesuits, with whom he kept on fair terms, for his better security, if he should have been put to the worst. As the frigates, or other vessels in the offing, could not well discern the place where our ships rode during the darkness of the night, by reason of the shadow of the sh.o.r.e, they had lights made for them ash.o.r.e for guiding them where to find us during their h.e.l.lish incendiary plans.

Having observed this light, night after night, always in the same place, and seeing it as before on the night of the 13th, I sent William Gurdin ash.o.r.e with twenty men, armed with muskets and pikes, directing them to endeavour to surround this fire-blazer, supposing him to be some traitor inhabiting the neighbourhood. But, on coming near, the fire was presently put out, and was again seen at another place, quite contrary to the direction of their pursuit; and so going up and down for a long time, they gave it over, esteeming it some delusion of the devil. This night the viceroy set sail from the bar of Surat, leaving about twenty of his frigates in the river to keep in check the Malabar frigates which were there for the defence of the town.

The 14th, the nabob sent a great man, who, in token of friendship, was called his brother, to visit me. This person gave as his opinion that the viceroy was gone with all his fleet to Goa, leaving some frigates to keep possession of the river, and others to return to Diu and Ormus. But my own opinion is, that the viceroy has only gone somewhere to refresh his people, and to reinforce his ships, against our putting to sea, when no sands will be in the way of his greatest ships coming against me. He also told me that the king had sent down forces for the purpose of conquering Damaun and all the sea coast. He said likewise, that they were more willing to give entertainment and trade to our nation than the Portuguese, which I thought very reasonable, as the Portuguese had always been injurious, and had done many vile things against them. Yet, unless we continue able to resist the Portuguese, they will soon unsay that speech for their own ease. When he had viewed our ship, with our ordnance and defensive preparations, we sent him and his train on sh.o.r.e in oar boats, in all courtesy.

We now set seriously to work in clearing and loading the Hope for England, having hitherto taken in our goods confusedly and by hasty s.n.a.t.c.hes, some into one ship, and some into others, not deeming it proper to hazard all in one bottom while exposed to so much danger from the Portuguese. I had resolved to send home the Hope, not that I esteemed her burden the fittest for the goods we had provided, but because of the many impediments and disabilities of that ship, as daily complained of by the master and carpenter; in particular, that her stern-post within the rudder was unsheathed, a strange and dangerous neglect and unaccountable oversight, on which account it was fitting she should soonest return; besides, we were in danger of losing our quicksilver which was in her, and lay on her keel and bilges.

The 18th, the nabob sent to me Cage Arson Ali, the sabandar, and other merchants of Surat, requesting me to remain for fifteen days, which I would in no sort consent to. They then importuned me to stop for ten days, which likewise I refused, shewing them how prejudicial so long delay might be to my voyage. The cause of their request was, lest the viceroy might come with all his forces against Surat after my departure.

Seeing them discontented at my denial, and loth to give displeasure to the nabob, which might be prejudicial to our affairs afterwards, and considering that it would require six days of the ten before we could get the Hope ready, I at last consented to their request, to their great satisfaction. At night on the 22d I had a letter from Surat, informing me that the nabob meant to visit me next day, and accordingly two elephants and six camels came down in the morning of the 23d, bringing his tents and other matters for his reception. The 24th, Mr Aldworth came down with the rest of the merchants to finish all business with me previous to our departure.

In the morning of the 25th, the nabob came down with a great train, with six other elephants, and was two hours at the water side before I knew of his arrival. When told, I was sorry for the neglect, and sent Mr Aldworth, Mr Elkington, and Mr Dodsworth ash.o.r.e to compliment him, and to keep him in discourse till I could go on sh.o.r.e, which I did soon after. I proposed to have gone to him as a son to his father, in my doublet and hose, without arms or any great train, according to custom, to shew the trust and confidence I reposed in him; but my friends persuaded me to the contrary, insisting that I should go well appointed, and attended by a sufficient guard, to which I consented, though I afterwards repented that I had not followed my own way. I went accordingly ash.o.r.e with about 140 men, part pikes, and part firelocks, who gave me a volley of small arms as I entered the nabob's tent. The nabob received me with much kindness, seeming much pleased at my coming ash.o.r.e to him. We sat for some time under a very fair tent, open on all sides, and surrounded by many people, both his attendants and mine.

At length he brought me into a more private room, near adjoining, having only along with him Ali Khan, a great Persian captain, with Henie the Banian as his interpreter; while I was accompanied by Messrs. Aldworth, Elkington, and Dodsworth. We there conferred about the state of his country, and about our affairs. At last I invited him to go on board to view our ship, to which he readily consented. He then presented me with his own sword, with many complimentary speeches, saying it was the custom of his country to honour with arms such captains as had deserved well. This sword, as he said, was made in his own house, the hilt being of ma.s.sy gold. In return, I presented to him my own arms, being sword and dagger, together with my girdle and hangers, by me much esteemed, and making a much finer shew than his, though of less value. We came forth together from the private tent, and I walked down to the sh.o.r.e to wait for his coming, whither he sent me a present of ten _cuttonee_ quilts and twenty _topseels_.

Soon after the nabob came to the sh.o.r.e, and we took boat together, going on board my ship. Having shewn our ordnance, and the manner of pointing the guns, and explained all our other preparations for defence, I presented him with a very handsome gilt cup and cover, some fair knives, a rundlet of Muscadine wine, and some other toys. Desiring to see some of our ordnance shot off, and how far they could carry their b.a.l.l.s on the water, I caused three guns to be fired. He would then have taken leave, but I accompanied him ash.o.r.e, and ordered him to be saluted at his departure with eleven guns. When we parted at the water side, the nabob gave me four baskets of grapes. He likewise gave among the gunners and trumpeters 200 mahmoodies, and 500 among the ship's company, together with 100 _books_ of white _bastas_, worth two mahmoodies each.

Thus, after some compliments, we took leave of each other and parted.

While rowing up along sh.o.r.e for my better getting on board, as the tide ran very swiftly, _Lacandas_ came running towards the boat, bearing a message from the nabob to ask if he should erect a tomb over the grave of my son. I returned my hearty thanks for the kind offer, desiring Lacandas to say that I had already begun to do so. The nabob then went away to Surat, and not long after his tent was taken down and went after him, with all the rest of his carriages.

The 26th, the nabob's son and son-in-law, a very ingenious young man, came to visit me, upon whom I bestowed some knives and other things, such as I had left, which could not be much, as I had every now and then some great man or other to visit me, to all of whom I had to give something. The 27th, the three sons of Ali Khan came to visit me, the eldest of whom, named Guger Khan, presented me with two antilopes, a male and a female, of which I was very glad, having endeavoured before ineffectually to send some home to Sir Thomas Smith. After viewing all our ship, with our ordnance and warlike preparations for defence, I gave him four Spanish pikes, and some other things of my own, and saluted him with eleven guns at his departure.

In the afternoon of the 3d March, upon the tide of ebb, and having a light gale from the north, sufficient to give steerage-way to our ships, we hastened to get up our anchors, meaning to set sail in the prosecution of our voyage, though our friends, the Malabars, who had desired to go with us, made no attempt to come out. At this time we saw another fleet of Portuguese frigates standing in from the westwards, and being willing to do my best to hinder them from going into the river of Surat, were it only to shew our good-will to the country people, we shot at the nearest of them, though without hope of doing them any hurt, as there was room for them to pa.s.s on either side of us, beyond reach of our shot. I was willing also to shew our friends on land, as also to those who I made no doubt would go down the coast to give notice to the galleons of our coming, that we shot at their frigates going into Surat, that they might also expect that we cared little for their greater strength.

In our pa.s.sage this night we had various flaws of inconstant winds, which obliged us to come to anchor for some time. As the wind became afterwards steady, though faint, we again made sail, continuing our course S. by E. along sh.o.r.e. At day-light nest morning we began to descry, between us and the sh.o.r.e, the Portuguese galleons and two gallies; all of which made sail on perceiving us, following with a light breeze, while we stood somewhat out of our course with all our sails, partly to gain time to prepare ourselves perfectly for battle, and partly to give rest to my people, who had taken much fatigue the night before, as also to draw the enemy farther from the coast, and from having the convenience of fresh supplies. Ere long, the tide of flood obliged us to anchor, not having sufficient wind to stem the current.

The enemy, resting his hopes on the wind, kept longer under sail, to his great disadvantage. But as I did not consider this at the time as an error in them, I was is great doubt lest they might intend going against Surat with all their force, now that we were at sea, and there work their wills upon our friends and goods, which I could only prevent by following them. Yet the season was now so far advanced that I doubted, even with our best haste, we should hardly get off the coast before the foul weather set in; and this gave me hope that the viceroy would not expose himself to the danger of the approaching winter. While considering these things, the tide of flood was spent, and it was time for us to use the ebb, when, to my great satisfaction, I saw the viceroy and his whole fleet standing towards us, with a fresh breeze. We likewise made sail, and stood our course before him all that ebb, and so spent that night to the best advantage, partly at anchor, and partly under sail, according as wind and tide served.

In the morning of the 5th, the enemy had gained very little way upon us.

We spent this day, as before, in riding or sailing, as the tide answered. This night the viceroy gained much ground upon us, and by this time we had got a good way from the coast, and had advanced well to the southwards, so that I was now satisfied the Portuguese forces could not this year give any annoyance to Surat. I considered that my purposes in these parts, both by the authority of my king, and to fulfil the designs of my employers, were, in merchant ships, fitted indeed for defence, to seek honest commerce, without striving to injure any; wherefore I held it fit for me to proceed soberly and discreetly, neither basely to flee from the enemy, nor to tempt danger by proudly seeking it, if it might be honourably avoided. The viceroy was quite differently situated. He had been sent by his master with the princ.i.p.al ships of all India, and all the gallants and braggarts of these parts, not only to disturb and intercept the peaceable trade of the English with the subjects of the Mogul, but to take and burn them in the harbours of that great king. The viceroy was furnished with abundance of all things the country could afford, and only wanted an upright cause. He found what he was in search of,--four poor merchant ships, having few men, many being dead, and more sick; and these bragadocios, measuring our hearts by their own, thought we could never stand against what they esteemed so superior a force; and, seeing their intent, I baited my hook, which the fish presently ran after.

The Hope, being heavily laden, was in tow of the Hector, and being sternmost, three of the Portuguese ships, and thirty or forty of their frigates, as I had expected, boarded her with the flower of all their chivalry. But, by the hand of G.o.d, and to their great amazement, they received such a blow that few of them escaped, and these by extraordinary chance, and three of their ships were burnt.[130] Thus it pleased G.o.d to baffle this their first a.s.sault. Ever after, though they beleaguered us round about for many days together, with all sorts of ships, our people still in action, and sadly worn out with continual labour, even shifting goods from ship to ship in that time, yet did they never gain from us even the value of a _louse_ in all that time, except our bullets, which we most willingly gave them roundly, their fire-boats always failing, and nothing prospering in all their efforts. For many days together I sent the viceroy a defiance once every twenty-four hours, which must needs lie heavy on the stomach of so courageous a gentleman. Craving pardon for this digression, I now proceed with my narrative.

[Footnote 130: I strongly suspect this to be a mere recapitulation of what happened in Swally roads, as already related, as this second attack on the Hope by the Portuguese is entirely omitted by Elkington and Dodsworth.--E.]

The 6th, in the morning, I sent for my master, letting him know that I proposed, when the viceroy should come up near us, to cast about and charge him suddenly, that we might strike unexpected terror in his people, who now bragged us, seeing us flee before them. To this end I went on board all the ships, giving them directions how to act, and gave orders to the Hector, by means of her pinnace and mine, to take in an hundred bales of goods from the Hope, to lighten her, and even staid to see it done. By this time it was mid-day, when my ship struck sail for my better getting on board; at which, the viceroy thinking it staid for him in contempt, as we imagined, be and his consorts bore up with the sh.o.r.e, and gave up all hope of mending their fortunes by following us any farther; which course I very well liked, as there is nothing under his foot to make amends for the loss of the worst man's finger in all our ships. Besides, I wished for no occasion of fighting unless for the honour of my king and country as I would rather save the life of one of my poorest sailors than kill a thousand enemies.

Having now finished with the viceroy, I set myself to write letters for the dispatch of the Hope, yet still thinking to have stood in for the bar of Goa to endeavour to have left some compliments there for the viceroy at his return. This was my earnest desire, but we were so long delayed in dispatching the Hope, that by the time we had finished, we were far beyond Goa.

"The rest of this journal is wanting, as he is also wanting who should have finished it. But, alas! this is the imperfection of man's best perfections; death lying in ambush to entrap those whom by open force he could not devour. He dying in this voyage, and following his son, hath left this glorious act, _memoriae sacrum_, the memorable epitaph of his worth, savouring of a true heroic disposition, piety and valour being in him seasoned by gravity and modesty."--_Purch._

SECTION II.

_Relations by Mr Elkington and Mr Dodsworth, in Supplement to the former Voyage_.[131]

"Since writing the voyage of Captain Downton, I have obtained the journal of Captain Elkington, in which the reader may proceed with this worthy captain to Bantam, and thence to his grave; this history succeeding the former, as its author did in command."--_Purch._

[Footnote 131: Purch. Pilgr. I. 514.]

In employing the journals of Mr Elkington and Mr Dodsworth, to continue the account of the voyage set forth under the command of Captain Downton, only so much of both are here inserted as answers that purpose, to avoid prolix repet.i.tion of circ.u.mstances, already sufficiently related. The journal of Elkington breaks off abruptly, like that of Downton, and probably from the same cause; as we learn from Purchas, in the preceding notice, that Elkington died at Bantam. The journal of Dodsworth entirely relates to the voyage of the Hope to England, after parting company with the other two ships, except that it mentions several incidents of the transactions previous to the departure of that ship, most of which are here omitted, as already sufficiently explained.--E.

--1. _Continuation of the Voyage from Surat to Bantam, by Captain Thomas Elkington_.

On the 4th March, 1615, we descried the Portuguese fleet, which immediately gave us chace, which it continued all that day and the next.

On the 6th, the general came aboard us, wishing us to make ready, as he proposed to turn suddenly round and give an onset upon the enemy: But, about noon that day, the Portuguese bore up and stood for the coast, and in three hours after we lost sight of them. At night of the 10th, the Hope departed from us. The 15th we saw three water-spouts at no great distance; one of them, which was very large, continued for the s.p.a.ce of half an hour. The 19th we doubled Cape Comorin.

The 10th May, the wind and current both against as, the general went to a green island, to the north or the salt hill, where we came to anchor in twenty fathoms on good sand. We here sought fresh water, but found none. There were plenty of bogs and pigs on this island, where likewise we gathered abundance of cocoa-nuts. All about this island is good anchorage, within a stone's throw of the sh.o.r.e, in twelve fathoms. The pinnace brought water from another island, about four leagues off but it was brackish.[132] The 2d June we came to anchor in Bantam road.

[Footnote 132: So vaguely is this journal expressed, or rather so miserably abbreviated by Purchas, that there are no indications by which to guess even where this island lay, except that it was on the way between Cape Comorin and Bantam.--E.]

The 3d July we weighed mace, and received silk towards furnishing the Salomon for Masulipatam, to which place we agreed to send the following merchants: George Chancie, Ralph Preston, Humphry Elkington, Timothy Mallory, George Savage, and Robert Savage. The 8th we loaded porcelain into the Salomon. This day we had news by a junk from the Moluccas, that the Thomasine was there; and that there were twelve sail of Hollanders at Ternate, who endeavoured to prevent all others from trading. The 11th our old house very narrowly escaped burning, in conscience of a fire very near. The 20th, Mr Jordan had letters from. Mr Ball at Maca.s.ser, complaining of violent ill usage from the Hollanders, who had driven him from thence, and stating that they proposed coming with all their force to take possession of Bantam, and to place the king of _Motron_ in the government. The 21st Mr Bennet set sail in the Salomon. The 25th, the Advice and Attendance arrived from England, after a voyage of eight months. They met the Globe and James at the Cape, to which ships they spared eighteen men. These ships departed for England on the 17th July, and the Advice and her consort on the 18th, meeting a ship near the Cape, which we suppose might be either the Samaritan or the Hope, bound for England.

The 5th of August I went aboard to visit the general, Captain Nicholas Downton, who was then very ill, and we got word of his death next day.[133] Mr Evans the preacher, and Mr Hambdon, followed him, on the 8th, as we supposed by taking laudanum, as they were both well a little before. On the 11th the Advice was sent to j.a.pan, having a complement of twenty-two Englishmen, together with five blacks, and Fernando the Spaniard. The Concord returned on the 14th from Succadanea in Borneo and Maca.s.ser. That night we had a prodigious tempest of rain, with thunder and lightning, and the mosque of Bantam was split in two by a thunderbolt, on which occasion the chief priest was nearly slain, which the king and people took for a bad omen, and therefore determined to make peace with Jacatra. The 16th the boat belonging to the Thomasine came to Bantam, with twenty-two English and five blacks, bringing intelligence of that ship having been lost on certain flats the night before, twenty-two leagues from Maca.s.ser, owing to the carelessness of Wilson the master, while all the people were asleep, he only being at the helm. They saved all the money, which they brought along with them; and as Mr Bailey told us that his wrecked crew had compelled him to pay them their wages, we caused them to restore the money.

[Footnote 133: By order in the box, Mr Elkington succeeded in the command.--_Purch._]

On the 19th, the Hollanders clapped three blacks into the bilboes, whom Mr Bailey had brought with him from Celoar, pretending they were caught, climbing over the rails of their house, and also, as they were brought from a place under their protection, they refused to give us them back.

We are in various ways most vilely abused by these Hollanders, neither do I see any means to right ourselves, unless we go to war with them; for we believe this matter to have been done on purpose, and these blacks enticed by them to it, as if taken by force. I was much offended with Mr Bailey for his conduct in taking away these blacks, as the means of making us hated as man-stealers, in, places where we used to be well received, which the Hollanders will take care to blaze abroad to our disgrace.

In the night of the 13th September, the watch discovered a fire in the thatch over the house in which Mr Jordan lodged, which was soon extinguished; but we could plainly perceive it had been done apurpose, as we found the cane by which it had been kindled sticking in the thatch, for which we suspected a Spaniard named Francisco, who had appostatized and turned Javan. The 2d October, Sophonee Cossock, a merchant, came in a small pinnace from Puloway, accompanied by an _Orancay_, to confer on trade with that place. The 22d, I went ash.o.r.e, accompanied by Mr Pring and Mr Bailey, to confer with the Dutch general, concerning certain idle complaints made by them against our mariners. I found him and the president of their factory very impatient, calling us insolent English, threatening that our pride would have a fall, with many other disgraceful and opprobrious words.[134] Such was the entertainment we received from that boorish general, named Garrat Reynes, in his own house. He had formerly shewn the like or worse to Mr Ball, on going aboard his ship at Banda: And four of our men, who took pa.s.sage with him from thence to _Cambello_, were brought all the way in the bilboes, for no cause.

[Footnote 134: Quis tulerit Gracchos de seditione querentes? It was Dutch policy to cry _rogue_ first.--_Purch._]

I went ash.o.r.e on the 3d November, when Captain Jordan called together the merchants, and sent for the _orancay_ of Banda, whose letter he got translated; the purport of which was, that, in regard to the ancient friendship between them and the English, especially with Captain Keeling, and provoked by the cruelty and injustice of the Hollanders, their earnest desire was to trade only with the English for the spices of Puloway, Puleron, and Nera, on condition that the English would supply them with provisions, ordnance, and ammunition, and help them to recover the castle of Nera, desiring that some person might be sent to Banda, to confer with the orancays. To this we answered, That we could not give them a.s.sistance to recover the castle of Nera, without orders from England, and that at present we had no ordnance to spare; but would willingly supply them with provisions, and every thing else in our power, till we had farther orders from England, and would trade with them for spices, for which purpose we proposed to send a ship, and a person to confer with the _orancays_, and particularly to know how we might have security, and whether they would grant us permission to build a fort for that purpose.

The 23d five Hollanders anch.o.r.ed in the outer road, four of which came last from the Mauritius, having been nineteen months on the voyage from Holland. At that island they found that General b.u.t.t had been cast away with three ships, two being totally lost, the men and goods of the third being saved. A fourth, which was in company, went home under jury-masts, along with a pinnace that came there by chance. One of these ships that was at the Mauritius came away before the rest, and they found her driving up and down off the mouth of the straits, having lost 160 men, and having only eight remaining. The 25th, by letters from Priaman, we had notice of the death of Mr Ozewicke and Samuel Negus.

--2. _Brief Observations by Mr Edward Dodsworth, who returned to England in the Hope_.

The 16th October, 1614, while in the bay of Surat, Mr Aldworth and Mr Steel came on board, and next day Mr Aldworth was examined, according to the company's commission and instructions,[135] concerning the behaviour of Paul Canning to the king, and the king's conduct towards him. To which he answered, That his behaviour was right, and the king's entertainment of him satisfactory, till the Jesuits insinuated he was only a merchant, and not sent immediately by the king of England. After this he was neglected, and died since.[136] Also, that he thought it fit that some one of our nation of good respect should remain at court, to procure redress of any wrongs that might be offered; to which function Mr Edwards was chosen to go to Agra, as the person most answerable to the company's instructions, on which occasion some question was made, whether it would be proper he should proceed in the character of a merchant, according to the strict letter of the instructions, which Mr Aldworth conceived would procure him disrespect with the king; and, after some contest, some way was given to Mr Edwards in this affair, lest they should disagree in their proceedings, especially as it had been reported by some already, that he was a messenger from the king of Britain.

[Footnote 135: This commission had six questions, of which I only insert what is fit for the public eye.--_Purch._]