A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume Vi Part 14

It is true that the value of money was then much greater than now, and these sums for comparison with our present money of account may perhaps be fairly rated at L.837,500, L.112,500 and L.75,000 respectively, or _ten_ times their numerical amount in 1529.--E.]

[Footnote 181: Called Jazirat by the Editor of Astleys Collection.]

In reward to Sousa for his gallantry, Nuno gave him the command in the Persian Gulf, and sent him to Bahrayn at the request of the king of Ormuz, to reduce Reis Barbadim who had revolted. But as Sousa had not a sufficient force for this purpose, Simon de Cuna was sent there with eight vessels and 400 men, besides a native force in the barks of the country. Joining Sousa, the fort of Bahrayn was battered for three days; but powder running short, they had to send to Ormuz for a supply, and in the mean time the Portuguese sickened so fast, owing to the unhealthiness of the climate that above an hundred of them died, and even the Persian soldiers belonging to Ormuz, though accustomed to the climate, were in very little better condition, insomuch that they had to give up the siege and return to Ormuz, where Simon de Sousa died.

In the mean time Nuno de Cuna, leaving Ormuz, arrived at Goa in the latter end of October 1529, where he found four ships just arrived from Lisbon after a prosperous voyage with a reinforcement of 1500 men all in perfect health, not having lost a man by the way except one captain.

Nuno made a solemn entry into the city, where he found a powerful fleet of 140 vessels, which had all been provided by the former governor, Lope Vaz de Sampayo. The most considerable of these were six galleons, eight royal gallies, six caravels, and fourteen galliots, all well provided with cannon and military stores; for though Sampayo had usurped the government, he had conducted it better than many of those who had received regular appointments. Finding it necessary to proceed to Cochin, to dispatch the homeward trade, he stopped at Cananor, where Sampayo then was, who came on board and resigned the government with the usual solemnities. Sampayo was inclined to have landed again at Cananor, but Nuno ordered him to go along with him to Cochin, and published a proclamation that all who had been wronged by Sampayo might repair to the new governor, who would do them justice. Sampayo complained of this as a libel against him, as those who had complaints to make needed not to be invited by sound of trumpet. On arriving at Cochin, Nuno ordered Sampayo to be imprisoned and an inventory to be taken of all his effects, all of which were directed to be deposited in safe custody and sent to Lisbon, to be there delivered as the king might direct. On being taken into custody, Sampayo desired the officer to say to Nuno, "I imprisoned others, you imprison me, and there will come one who will imprison you." To this message Nuno answered, "Doubtless I may be imprisoned; but the difference between us will be, that Sampayo deserves it, and I shall not." Neither was Sampayo wrong, as Nuno had certainly been taken into custody in Portugal on his return if he had not died by the way. Sampayo was treated with much and improper severity: the worst ship in the fleet being appointed for him, with only two servants, and barely as much of his own wealth as sufficed for the expence of his voyage.

On his arrival at the Tercera islands an officer was in waiting to put Sampayo in irons, with which he landed at Lisbon and was carried to a dungeon in the castle, in which was confined at the same time Reis Xarafo the visier of Ormuz. After two years confinement, the chief crime alleged against him being his unjust proceedings in regard to Pedro de Mascarenas, the duke of Braganza took pity on the misfortunes of this brave gentleman, and prevailed on the king to give him a hearing in council. Accordingly, the king being seated in council surrounded by the judges, Sampayo was brought before him, having his face covered by a long and thick white beard, and with such tokens of misery which he had endured in almost three years imprisonment, counting from his arrest in India, that even Mascarenas or any other of his enemies might have thought themselves sufficiently revenged. Being put to the bar, after receiving the kings permission, he made a copious and comprehensive speech with an undaunted countenance, in his justification. After enumerating the services of his ancestors and immediate progenitors to the crown, he particularized his own from his early youth to the period of his imprisonment, and commented upon the injuries which had been since done to him. He exposed the malice of his accusers, and justified his own proceedings. By many apt examples of others who had been guilty even of greater crimes than those of which he was accused, and who had been pardoned in consideration of their services, he drew a parallel between himself and these persons, and concluded by throwing himself entirely on the justice and mercy of his majesty; from one or other of which he trusted to receive a discharge, and hoped to have more cause of thankfulness for the future, than he had of complaint till then of the hard usage he had been subjected to.

Having listened to him attentively, the king examined him in regard to each separate article of his impeachment, forty-three in all, to every one of which he gave apt answers. The princ.i.p.al article alleged against him related to Pedro Mascarenas, all the others being such as would never have been thought of except to fill up the measure of accusation.

Being carried back to the castle, he sent in his defence in writing, as is usual in such cases. In the end, he was sentenced to forfeit all his allowances as governor; to pay Mascarenas a compensation of 10,000 ducats; and to be banished into Africa. He contrived however to get into Spain, where he disnaturalized himself, as had been done by the famous Magellan; and wrote a letter from Badajos to the king, in which he affirmed that his sentence was unjust, and declared his resolution to try, by changing his country, to better his fortune and restore his honour. In consequence of this he was restored to his country.

We must now return to the affairs of India, where Diego Sylveira reduced the people of Calicut to such straits that the zamorin was constrained to sue to Nuno de Cuna for peace. This was granted on certain terms, part of which the zamorin was willing to accept, but rejected the rest; on which Sylveira reduced the city to extreme distress, by intercepting all provisions. Some relief was received however from Cananor, and Simon de Sousa being driven in his brigantine on sh.o.r.e, was blown up while bravely defending himself against the Moors.

Malek Saca[182] being expelled from Diu, found it expedient for compa.s.sing his ends with the king of Cambaya, to employ similar artifices with Nuno de Cuna as had been formerly practised with Hector de Sylveira, by offering to deliver up the city to him. Accordingly he wrote to Nuno, that although he could not now deliver up Diu, he would a.s.sist him to reduce it; and as it was convenient that a meeting should take place between the governor and Malek Saca, Nuno sent him a safe conduct, and ships to transport him and his retinue, commanded by Gaspar Paez, who had formerly been known to Malek Saca at Diu. On this occasion Malek Saca granted every condition required, not meaning to perform any, and made use of this sham alliance to get himself restored to the favour of the king of Cambaya, putting off Paez with various artifices, under pretence that the safe conduct was not securely expressed, and that there were too few ships. In revenge of this deceit, Paez was only able to burn nine small barks belonging to Malek Saca. Being much enraged at the duplicity of Malek, Nuno began to make preparations for the reduction of Diu. In the mean time, he visited and conciliated the rajah of Cochin, who had been much displeased with the conduct of Lope Vaz Sampayo and Alfonso Mexia. He went next to Goa, whence he visited the king at _Chale_, and satisfied him in all things. About the middle of February 1530 he came to Cananor, the king of which place he gratified by conforming to the ceremonials of his court; and being offered a present of jewels, he accepted them lest he should affront that prince, but delivered them over to the officers of the revenue, as belonging to the king of Portugal.

[Footnote 182: He is stated on a former occasion to have been the son of Malek Azz.--E.]

At this time a rich merchant of Mangalore did great injury to the Portuguese, as he favoured the zamorin of Calicut though living in the dominions of the king of Narsinga who was in friendship with the Portuguese. Diego de Sylveira was ordered to punish that man, and went accordingly against him with a force of 450 men and sixteen vessels. He accordingly entered the river of Mangalore, where he was opposed by a great number of ships belonging to the Moorish merchant, which were put to flight after a short contest. Sylveira then landed with 240 men and entered the town without opposition, after which he took the fort whence the merchant endeavoured to escape, but was slain by a musquet-ball. A vast booty fell into the hands of the Portuguese, but Sylveira ordered it all to be burnt, lest he might endanger his ships by overloading them. As winter was coming on Sylveira dismissed half of his fleet, yet afterwards had occasion for them all, as he soon after encountered _Pati Marcar_, a commander belonging to Calicut, who was going to Mangalore with sixty paraos. The weather prevented him from fighting at that time; but Sylveira waited the return of the Calicut fleet, to which he gave battle off Mount Dely, and sank six paraos, after which he returned to Cochin. In the same year 1530, Antonio de Sylveira commanded on the coast of Cambaya with fifty-one sail of vessels, three of which were gallies and two galliots, in which were 900 Portuguese soldiers. With this force he went up the river Taptee where he burnt Surat and Reyner, the chiefest towns in that part of India. Surat on one side of the river contained 10,000 families, mostly Banians[183] and handicrafts of no courage; while Reyner on the other side of the river had six thousand houses inhabited by a warlike race, and was well fortified. On sounding, the river was found too shallow for the larger vessels, which were left off the bar under the command of Francisco de Vasconcelles; while with the smaller, Sylveira went up the river about four miles to Surat. He there found 300 horse and nearly 10,000 foot drawn up to oppose his landing, all well armed with bows and firelocks; but after one discharge this vast mult.i.tude fled in dismay without waiting an attack. The city of Surat was then entered without farther resistance, and being plundered of every thing worth carrying off was set on fire with some ships that were in its a.r.s.enal. The city of Reyner stood a little higher up on the other side, and was inhabited by the _Nayteas Moors_, a race of more courage and policy than the Banians; yet they fled almost at the first fire, leaving all their property to the Portuguese, who had all been enriched if they had been able to carry away the whole plunder.

Having removed all that their ships could carry, the town was set on fire, together with twenty ships and many small vessels. In both actions Emanuel de Sousa was conspicuously valiant, being the first to land with much danger, especially in the latter, where he was opposed by a numerous artillery. On returning to the mouth of the river, Sylveira found, that Vasconcelles had taken six vessels bound with provisions for Diu. After this, Antonio de Sylveira destroyed the towns of Daman and Agazem on the coast, at the latter of which places 300 vessels belonging to the enemy were burnt.

[Footnote 183: Called Bancanes in the text of De Faria; perhaps an error of the press for Banianes or Banzanes.--E.]

On the 21st of January 1530, Hector de Sylveira sailed from Goa for the Red Sea with ten ships and 600 men. Spreading his fleet across the mouth of that sea, that no enemy might escape, several rich ships were captured. Appearing afterwards before _Aden_, Hector induced the sheikh of that place to submit to the crown of Portugal, and to an yearly tribute of 12,000 Xerephines. The sheikh of _Zael_, who had only a short time before accompanied _Mustapha_, a Turkish captain, with 20,000 men to make war upon Aden, submitted to similar terms.

Having completed his preparations for the expedition against Diu, Nuno de Cuna sailed early in the year 1531 with a great fleet and army for that place. In a general review at the Island of Bombay, the fleet consisted of above 400 sail of all kinds of vessels, many of which were large, more indifferent, and most of them small; some being only _sutlers_, fitted out by the natives for private gain. On board this fleet were 3600 soldiers and 1450 seamen all Portuguese, besides above 2000 Canara and Malabar soldiers, 8000 slaves, and about 5000 native seamen. Landing at Daman, a fort belonging to the king of Cairibaya, which was immediately evacuated by the Moors, advice was brought that the Arabs, Turks, and others, to the number of 2000 men, had fortified themselves in the Island of _Beth,_ seven leagues from Diu. This place was so strong by art and nature, environed with rocks and fortifications, that Nuno gave no credit to the accounts respecting it till convinced by inspection. Coming before Beth on the 7th of February, he summoned the garrison to surrender; but many of them shaved their heads, as devoting themselves to death or victory, which they call making themselves _amoucos[184]._ The commandant of the barbarians gave a brutal example of determined and savage resolution, by throwing his wife, son, and goods into a fire made on purpose, in which they were all consumed; that if the Portuguese succeeded in the enterprise, they might only gain a heap of ashes. His example was followed by others. Being resolved to carry this place, Nuno made dispositions for an a.s.sault, dividing his force into six bodies, which were ordered to attack in six different places at the same time. After a desperate conflict the place was taken, in which 1800 of the enemy were slain, and sixty cannons taken.

[Footnote 184: Corruptly called by the British in India running a muck.--E.]

Departing from Beth, Nuno appeared with his powerful armament before Diu. This city is built upon rocks, and is entirely encompa.s.sed by rocks and water. The entrance into the river or haven was shut up by ma.s.sy chains suspended upon vessels, behind which eighty vessels were drawn up full of archers and musqueteers to defend the pa.s.sage. The garrison consisted of 10,000 men, with a prodigious number of cannon. On the 16th of February, the signal was given for the attack, but after fighting the whole day without gaining any advantage, and having suffered some loss, it was determined in a council of war to desist from the enterprise as.

impracticable. It was agreed by all, that if so much time had not been fruitlessly employed in the capture of Beth, Diu must have fallen; as it had been reinforced only three, days before the arrival of the Portuguese by a Turk named Mustapha, who was the princ.i.p.al cause of its brave and effectual resistance. Nuno returned with the princ.i.p.al part of his fleet and army to Goa, where he arrived on the 15th of March, leaving Antonio de Saldanna with 60 vessels in the Bay of Cambaya to annoy the enemy.

After the departure of the Portuguese fleet, Mustapha presented himself before _Badur_ king of Cambaya, who received him honourably, giving him the command of _Baroach_ in the Bay of Cambaya, with the t.i.tle of Rumi-khan. He was called Kami, as having been born in Greece; as the Moors of India, being ignorant of the divisions of the European provinces, call the whole of Thrace, Greece, Sclavonia, and the adjacent countries by the general name of _Rum,_ and the inhabitants _Rumi_ though that term ought only to be applied to Thrace, the modern _Romania._ The _Turks_ and _Rumes_ are different nations; the former being originally from Turkistan, and the natives of Greece and Thrace consider themselves as of more honourable descent than the Turks[185].

The tide of _Khan_ now bestowed on Mustapha is a dignity among the Tartars equivalent to that of _Duke_ in Europe, and is bestowed in the east on persons of distinguished merit.

[Footnote 185: On a former occasion, the name of Kami has been mentioned as universally given in India to the Turks as coming in place of the Romans. DeFaria therefore was mistaken in deriving it from the province of Romania or Thrace.--E.]

Antonio de Saldanna, who was left in command of the sea of Cambaya, with 60 vessels and 1500 men, took and burnt the town of _Madrefavat,_[186]

five leagues from Diu towards Beth. He then went against Gogo, twenty-four leagues farther, formerly a strong and populous place of great trade. There were fifteen of the largest paraos belonging to Calicut at that time in the port laden with spice, which took shelter in a creek, and were followed by Saldanna with 800 men in the smaller vessels. Finding it necessary to land, he was opposed by 300 horse and 800 foot that came to defend the Makbars; but after a sharp encounter, in which 200 of the enemy were slain, they were constrained to abandon the vessels, which were all burnt; after which Saldanna destroyed the town of Gogo and eight ships that were in the port He afterwards destroyed the towns of Belsa, Tarapor, Mail, Kelme, and Agasim, and lastly Surat, which was beginning to revive from its former destruction.

Having thus ravaged the coast of Cambaya, he returned to Goa. About this time a brother of the king of Cambaya, who was rightful heir to that crown, came into the hands of Nuno; who expected through his means to obtain what had been so long desired, the possession of Diu, and the command of the trade of Cambaya.

[Footnote 185: On a former occasion, the name of Kami has been mentioned as universally given in India to the Turks as coming in place of the Romans. DeFaria therefore was mistaken in deriving it from the province of Romania or Thrace.--E.]

[Footnote 186: Perhaps that now called Jaffrabad.--E.]

About this time the Portuguese cruisers had taken twenty-seven ships belonging to the zamorin, all richly laden. Being perplexed by the great losses he was continually sustaining through the Portuguese superiority at sea, the sovereign of Calicut made overtures towards an accommodation; and in a treaty of peace gave permission to the governor-general to build a fort in the island of _Chale_, in a river that falls into the sea about three leagues from Calicut, which is navigable by boats all the way to the foot of the _Gaut_ mountains.

_Urinama_, a heathen, was at this time rajah of _Chale_, and both he and the neighbouring rajah of Tanore, who were subjects to the zamorin, were anxious to throw off their subjection to that prince, and to enter into alliance with the Portuguese, in hopes of becoming rich by partic.i.p.ating in their trade. Immediately upon procuring the consent of the zamorin to construct the fort, Nuno set out from Goa with 150 sail of vessels, in which were 3000 Portuguese troops and 1000 native _Lascarines_. So much diligence was used in carrying on the work, even the gentlemen partic.i.p.ating in the labour, that in twenty-six days it was in a defensible situation, being surrounded by a rampart nine feet thick and of sufficient height, strengthened by towers and bastions or bulwarks at proper places. Within the fort a church was built, together with a house for the commander, barracks for the soldiers, and store-houses for trade. Diego de Pereira, who had negotiated the treaty with the zamorin, was left in command of this new fortress, with a garrison of 250 men; and Manuel de Sousa had orders to secure its safety by sea, with a squadron of twenty-two vessels. The zamorin soon repented of having allowed this fort to be built in his dominions, and used ineffectual endeavours to induce the rajah of Chale, Caramanlii, and Tanore to break with the Portuguese, even going to war against them, but to no purpose.

About the end of February 1532, Emanuel de Vasconcelles was sent to the Red Sea with two galliots and several brigantines to cruise against the Turks. Off Xael he captured several Turkish vessels, among which, was a large ship, named _Cufturca,_ which was sent to Muscat. The king of Xael, fearful of danger, made his peace with Vasconcelles. Soon afterwards Antonio de Saldanna arrived with ten ships to take the command in the Red Sea, who was dissatisfied with the terms entered into with the sheikh of Xael, on which that prince sent all the valuables belonging to the town, together with the women and children into the interior, that he might provide for defence; but being obliged to quit the Red Sea on account of the weather, Saldanna sailed first to Muscat and thence to Diu, where he took several vessels belonging to the enemy, among which was one in which he got above 60,000 Venetian chequins.

About the same time Diego de Sylveira plundered and burnt Puttun, a city twelve leagues from Diu, and destroyed four ships that were in the harbour. He acted in a similar manner at Pate and Mangalore and other places, and returned to Goa with above 4000 slaves and an infinite booty.

All this encouraged Nuno de Cuna to continue hostilities against Diu and the king of Cambaya, in hopes of constraining him to allow of the construction of a fort in that city. _Malek Tocam_[187], lord of Diu, was then fortifying the city of Ba.s.seen, and as that place might prove injurious to the designs of Nuno against Cambaya, he determined to destroy it. For this purpose he fitted out a fleet of 150 vessels, in which he embarked with 3000 Portuguese soldiers and 200 native Canarins.

Tocam on hearing of this expedition, left a garrison of 12,000 men in Ba.s.seen and retired to Diu. Despising the danger of attacking such superior numbers, Nuno landed his troops and took Ba.s.seen by a.s.sault, in which action 600 of the enemy were slain, and only eight or nine on the side of the Portuguese. Having ravaged the surrounding country and razed the fortifications of Ba.s.seen, Emanuel de Albuquerque was sent with twelve vessels and 300 men to destroy the fort of Daman, which he was unable to accomplish. He burnt however all the towns upon the coast from _Ba.s.seen_ to _Tarapor_, and reduced _Tanua_, _Bandora_, _Maii_, and _Bombay_ to become tributary. About this time orders were sent from Portugal that all the commanders of forts in India should make oath of obedience to the governor-general, whence it appears that till then they were in a great measure independent.

[Footnote 187: The lord of Diu only a little before was named Malek _Saca_; but De Faria gives no intimation of any revolution, except by change of name. Yet from the sequel it is evident this person was the son of Malek Azz.--E.]

About this time Malek Tocam, lord of Diu, desired Nuno to send a proper person to him with whom he might treat of an important affair, he being at that time apprehensive that the king of Cambaya meant to deprive him of his government. Vasco de Cuna was accordingly sent on this emba.s.sy, with instructions to procure the surrender of Diu, but was unsuccessful.

At the same time Tristan de Ga pressed the king of Cambaya to allow of building a fort at Diu, and Badur expressed a desire of conferring with the governor-general on the subject, though his real design was to kill him rather than grant permission to build a fort. Nuno went accordingly to Diu with a fleet of 100 sail and 2000 Portuguese troops; but the king who was then at Diu delayed the interview on various pretences, and desired Nuno to send some of his princ.i.p.al captains to wait upon him.

They went accordingly richly dressed and were splendidly received. While in discourse with the king, Emanuel de Macedo took the liberty, yet in a respectful manner, to say "That he wondered much his majesty should deprive Malek Tocam of the government of the city, who had not only served him faithfully, but was the son of one who had performed many signal services and had long enjoyed his favour, and that he should bestow the command on _Mustapha Rumi Khan_, whose princ.i.p.al merit was disloyalty to the _Grand Turk_, his natural prince." He added, that if Mustapha denied this, he challenged him to combat, either hand to hand, or in any other manner he might think fit. _Rumi Khan_ was present, but made no answer, till the king looking angrily at him, he said his silence proceeded from contempt. Macedo repeated the challenge, and the Turk, no longer able to shun it with a good grace, agreed to fight him at sea. But this challenge took no effect, as the parties could not agree upon the terms of combat. Being unable to come to any agreement with the king of Cambaya, Nuno de Cuna entered into a league with _Humayun_[188] padishah, or emperor of the Moguls, and returned to Goa, dispatching several of his captains with squadrons to different places.

[Footnote 188: In De Faria called _Omaum Patxath_, king of the Moguls.--E.]

At this time, _Cunale Marcar_, a bold pirate, scoured the seas about Calicut with eight vessels well equipped and full of men. One night off Cape Comorin he surprised a Portuguese brigantine at anchor, in which were twenty-one Portuguese, all so fast asleep that they were bound before they waked. He caused their heads to be bruised to pieces, to punish them for daring to sleep while he was at sea, _a merry cruelty_.

From thence _Cunale_ went to Negapatnam on the coast of Coromandel, where there were forty Portuguese, who defended themselves to no purpose, as the degar or governor of that place agreed with Cunale to rob them. Khojah Marcar, though a relation of Cunale, used his endeavours to deliver the Portuguese from this danger, by instilling mutual jealousy into the Degar and Cunale, who however took some Portuguese vessels then in the river at Negapatnam, and shot eight of their men. Antonio de Silva was sent against him from Cochin with 200 musqueteers in fifteen small vessels, on which Cunale took refuge in a bay on the coast called _Canamnera_, where he fortified himself. But Antonio forced him to make his escape in the habit of a beggar to Calicut, leaving his vessels and cannon, with which Antonio returned to Cochin.

In 1534 Martin Alfonso de Sousa, Portuguese admiral in India, took the fort of Daman; and Badur king of Cambaya, fearing still greater losses, and finding his trade completely interrupted, made peace with Nuno, on the following conditions. The fort of Ba.s.seen with all its dependencies was ceded to the crown of Portugal: All ships bound from the kingdom of Cambaya for the Red Sea, were to come in the first place to Ba.s.seen, and to touch there on their return, paying certain duties to the crown of Portugal: No ships belonging to Cambaya were to trade to any other parts without licence from the Portuguese government: No ships of war were to be built in any of the ports belonging to Cambaya: The king of Cambaya was on no account to give any a.s.sistance to the _Rumes_ or Turks. There were other articles in favour of the king of Cambaya, to render the harshness of these more palatable; and even these were afterwards moderated when he gave permission for building a fort at Diu.

The kingdom of Guzerat, commonly called Cambaya from the name of its metropolis, extends from Cape _Jaquet_ or _Jigat_ in the west, to the river _Nagotana_ near _Chaul_, within which limits there is a large and deep bay or gulf having the same name with the capital, in which bay the sea ebbs and flows with wonderful rapidity, insomuch that any ship that is caught in this tremendous _bore_ certainly perishes. To avoid this danger, there is always a man stationed on an eminence, who gives notice with a horn when he sees the approach of this torrent. The distance between Cape _Jigat_ and the river of Nagotana is above 200 leagues. On the west Guzerat borders on the _Resbuti_ or _Rajputs_, a people dwelling in a mountainous country.[189] On the north it joins with the kingdom of _Chitor_[190]: On the east with that of _Pale_.[191] The coast is covered by numerous towns and cities. It is watered by two famous rivers, the _Taptii_ and _Tapei_[192] by many creeks that form several islands. Guzerat is all plain, so that they generally travel in waggons, as in Flanders, but lighter made, which are easily drawn by oxen, smaller than those of Spain. The country breeds cattle in great abundance, and plenty of provisions of all sorts. The natives are of four different kinds. The first called _Baneanes Baganzariis_, feed after our manner: The second called simply _Baneanes_[193], who eat of nothing that hath life. Their priests are called _Vertias_, who are clothed in white, and never change their apparel till it falls in pieces. These live altogether on charity; and, like the children of Israel in the desert, they never keep any thing for the next day. They place their greatest hope of salvation in abstaining from killing any creature whatever, and even use no light at night, lest any moth should fly into the flame; and always carry a broom to sweep the ground they tread on, that they may not trample any worm or insect to death. The third race consists of the _Resbuti_ or _Rajputs_, who are good soldiers, and to whom formerly the kingdom belonged. These people acknowledge _one G.o.d in three persons, and worship the blessed Virgin_, a doctrine which they have preserved ever since the time of the apostles[194]. The fourth and last cla.s.s of inhabitants are the Mahometans called _Lauteas_, consisting both of strangers who have conquered the country, and natives who have embraced that religion. The inhabitants of Guzerat are very ingenious mechanics in works of silk, gold, ivory, mother-of-pearl, tortoise-sh.e.l.l, crystal, ebony, and other articles. They follow the rules of Pythagoras, killing no creature; but rather buy all, though even venomous, from those who take them, on purpose to set them free. They have even a set of men whose only employment is to go about the towns and fields looking out for sick beasts, which are tended with great care in hospitals built on purpose.

Yet in spite of all this charity to the brute creation, they are devoid of human kindness, and will not reach out their hand to help a fellow creature in the utmost need.

[Footnote 189: These mountains are in the middle of Guzerat, which they pervade in a range of considerable length from N.E. to S.W.--E.]

[Footnote 190: More properly _Agimere_, in which is the town or city of _Cheitore_, whence the name in the text.--E.]

[Footnote 191: Malwa, one of the kingdoms or _Soubahs_ of Hindostan is to the east of Guzerat. The meaning of the name in the text is not obvious.--E.]

[Footnote 192: The Taptee is evidently one of these, but it is hard to say what river is meant by the other. Next to the Taptee on the north, the great river Nerbuddah flows into the Gulf of Cambay, dividing the two great Subahs of Malwa and Candeish. The Mahie divides Guzerat from Malwa; and the Mehindry and Puddar pervade Guzerat; which is bounded on the west by the Cagger, dividing it from the great sandy desert of _Sinde_ or Jesselmere, and from Cutch.--E.]

[Footnote 193: _Banians_: It would much exceed the bounds of a note to enter upon any explanation here of the Hindoo casts, which will be fully ill.u.s.trated in the sequel of this work.--E.]

[Footnote 194: It is most wonderful, that in the grossest, most ridiculous, and most obscene of all idolatrous polytheism, the Portuguese should have fancied any resemblance to the pure religion of Christ! even under its idolatrous debas.e.m.e.nt of image worship, and the invocation of legions of saints. The monstrous superst.i.tions of the bramins will be discussed in a future division of this work.--E.]

In the year of G.o.d 1292, or according to the Mahometan account the 700, a pagan king named _Galacarna_ ruled in peace in Guzerat; but involved the country in war to deprive his brother of the kingdom of _hampanel_ or _Champaneer_ which had been left him by their father. Galacarna employed two generals in this war, one of whom named _Madana_ had to wife one of the most beautiful women of the country, of the race of _Padaminii_, who, besides their beauty, are said to have so sweet a scent from their skin that they are esteemed beyond all other women. It is said there are scarcely any of these women in Guzerat, but many in Orissa. There is no mischief without a woman even with an ill savour, how much more then for one of a good scent! King Galacarna fell in love with the wife of Madana, and used every means to gain her but to no purpose. But she being chaste, which was doubtless the sweet smell, gave notice to her husband and brother of the dishonourable conduct of the king; on which they called in _Shah Nasr Oddin_ king of Delhi, who invaded the kingdom of Guzerat and slew Galacarna in battle; after which he left his general Habed Shah to reduce the kingdom to subjection, having in the first place rewarded the two brothers for their services, and made the kings of _Mandou_ and _Cheitore_ tributary[195]. Shah Nasr Oddin was soon afterwards killed by his nephew, and the kingdom of Delhi was so much weakened by civil war, that Habed-shah revolted and set himself up as king of Guzerat.

[Footnote 195: Probably Malwa and Agimere are here meant.--E.]

In 1330, _Hamet_ a Mahometan Tartar, who resided in the city of Cambay, by the a.s.sistance of a number of Arabs, Persians, and _Rumes_ or Turks, usurped a great part of Guzerat, then possessed by _Deosing-rao_. Ali Khan succeeded Hamet, and left forty sons, three of whom became kings.

The eldest _Peru-shah_ succeeded in the kingdom of Guzerat. The second _Azeide-khan_ got the kingdom of _Mandou_ or Malwa by his wife; and the third named Ali-khan acquired the kingdom of _Agimere_ in the same manner. Peru-shah followed the example of his father and grandfather in securing his kingdom against foreign enemies, and built the city of Diu in memory of a victory over a _Chinese_ fleet. Sultan Mahomet his son succeeded, and reigned at the time when Vasco de Gama discovered India.

He left the kingdom to his son _Modafer_, as most worthy; but in consequence of a civil war, Modafer was slain, and his youngest brother _Mahomet Khan_ was raised to the throne. An elder brother _Latisa Khan_ aspired to the kingdom, but without success; and after a succession of civil wars it fell to _Badur_, or _Behauder Khan_, who was king of Guzerat at this period. The former king _Modafer_ divided the possessions belonging to Malek Azz who was lord of Diu among his three sons, which destination gave great displeasure to his own sons who coveted these territories. But _Badur_ was chiefly dissatisfied, and even poisoned his father _Modafer Khan_. After this parricide, he fled to the king of Chitore, where he killed a person even in the presence of the king at an entertainment, and fled to Delhi. He there professed himself a _Calendar_ or religious person, to shun the punishment due to his crimes. These Calendars go about loaded with iron chains and live abstemiously; yet with all their outward shew of religious austerity, they practice all manner of lewdness and wickedness in secret. They enter into no town, but blow a horn on the out-skirts, that people may bring them alms. Sometimes they go about in bands of two thousand or more, laying the country under contributions.

After remaining some time among the Calendars, Badur got notice of the distractions prevailing in Guzerat, and went there with his chains in search of the crown, and acquired the favour of the people so strongly by his pretended religious austerity, that he was proclaimed king. To secure his ill-gotten power, he caused Madrem-al-Mulk to be flayed alive for having raised his youngest brother Latisa Khan to the throne, and put to death all his brothers. Being desirous to take off _Malek Saca_ lord of Diu, Saca fled, and was succeeded by his brother _Malek Tocam_.

In the year 1527, one Stephen Diaz Brigas, a Portuguese who had fled his country for some crime, came to India as captain of a French ship with forty Frenchmen, and putting into Diu was there made prisoner with all his men, who were cruelly put to death by order of Badur.

While at Champaneer in 1527, amba.s.sadors came from _Baber_, padishah or emperor of Delhi, demanding homage and tribute for Guzerat, as part of his dominions. At first Badur was disposed to have slain these unwelcome messengers; but he dismissed them, saying that he would carry the answer in person. He accordingly drew together an army of 100,000 men and 400 elephants, with a great train of artillery. But he was prevented from carrying his designs into execution, in consequence of a great town called _Doitabad_ being taken by Nizam-al-Mulk; and though he recovered it, he met with great loss of men, chiefly by the weather, it being winter, some of his men being slain by a shower of stones as large as oranges[196]. Certain men came to Badur, from the kingdom of the _Colii_[197], who demanded tribute; but he flayed them alive. In 1529, Badur marched with 70,000 horse and 200,000 foot into the dominions of Nizam-al-Mulk, where he did much damage. In the same year Baber padishah of the Moguls of Delhi, marched with an army for the reduction of Guzerat; but met with so much loss in a battle with the king of _Cheitore_ in Agimere that he was forced to retire to Delhi.

[Footnote 196: The story in the text is difficultly intelligible. I am apt to believe that the great army belonged to Baber, the Great Mogul, designed for the reduction of Guzerat, but turned aside for the recovery of _Dowlatabad_ in the Deccan, and that the shower of stones of the text is to be understood of hail.--E.]

[Footnote 197: Who these were does not appear.--E.]