A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume Iv Part 22

But learning that Don Diego had more than 800 men under arms, he did not consider himself powerful enough to wait for him in Cuzco, deeming it more prudent to march from thence by way of the mountain road, on purpose to join forces with Alonso de Alvarado, who had declared for his majesty.

Holguin likewise expected to be joined upon the march by several of the friends and servants of the late marquis, who had concealed themselves from the rage of the Almagrians in different parts of the mountain region of Peru. In pursuance of this plan, Holguin set out on his march from Cuzco, having appointed Gomez de Tordoya his maestre de campo or major general, Garcila.s.so de la Vega[4] and Pedro Anzurez, captains of horse, Nunno de Castro and Hernando de Bachicao captains of foot, and Martin de Robles as ensign to carry the royal standard. On leaving Cuzco, all who were unfit for active service in the field were left behind, and proper officers were appointed for maintaining the government and to distribute justice.

On receiving notice of all these events which had taken place in Cuzco, and that Holguin had marched from thence with his troops, Don Diego judged that Holguin would endeavour to form a junction with Alonzo de Alvarado who commanded in Chachapoyas, and would therefore proceed by the mountain road towards the north; he resolved therefore to march in such a direction as might enable him to intercept Holguin before his junction with Alonzo de Alvarado, but did not think it prudent to attempt this before the arrival of the force under Garcias de Alvarado, whom he had recalled from the originally concerted expedition against Alonzo de Alvarado[5]. While pa.s.sing through Truxillo, levying men and providing arms and horses, Garcias proposed to have attacked Alonzo de Alvarado, but was resisted by the inhabitants of a town in the province of Chachapoyas named Levanto, and receiving his orders of recal from Don Diego he relinquished his design, and marched in all haste for Lima. Immediately after the return of Garcias, Don Diego began his march against Holguin, with a force of 300 horse, 100 musqueteers, and 150 pikemen; but before his departure, he banished the children of the late marquis and of Gonzalo Pizarro from the country, and executed Antonio Picado, having previously put him to the torture to endeavour to extort confession from him as to any hidden treasure belonging to the marquis.

"As during the civil dissentions in Peru, all intercourse with Spain was suspended, the detail of the extraordinary transactions there between the marquis and the elder Almagro, already recounted, did not soon reach the court[6]. Unfortunately for the victorious faction, the first intelligence was brought thither by some of Almagro's officers, who left the country on the ruin of their cause; and they related what had happened with every circ.u.mstance unfavourable to Pizarro and his brothers. Their ambition, their breach of the most solemn engagements, their violence and cruelty, were painted with all the malignity and exaggeration of party hatred.

Ferdinand Pizarro, who arrived soon after, and appeared at court with great splendour, endeavoured to efface the impression which their accusations had made, and to justify his brother and himself by representing Almagro as the aggressor. The emperor and his ministers, though they could not p.r.o.nounce which of the contending factions was most criminal, clearly discerned the fatal tendency of their dissentions. It was obvious, that while the leaders entrusted with the conduct of two infant colonies, employed the arms which should have been turned against the common enemy in destroying one another, all attention to the public good must cease, and there was reason to dread that the Indians might improve the advantage which the disunion of the Spaniards presented to them, and extirpate both the victors and the vanquished. But the evil was more apparent than the remedy. Where the information which had been received was so defective and suspicious, and the scene of action so remote, it was almost impossible to chalk out the line of conduct that ought to be followed; and before any plan that should be approved of in Spain could be carried into execution, the situation of the parties, and the circ.u.mstances of affairs, might alter so entirely as to render its effects extremely pernicious."

"Nothing therefore remained but to send a person to Peru, vested with extensive and discretionary powers; who, after viewing deliberately the posture of affairs with his own eyes, and inquiring on the spot into the conduct of the different leaders, should be authorised to establish the government in that form which he deemed most conducive to the interest of the parent state and the welfare of the colony. The man selected in 1539 for this important charge was Christoval Vaca de Castro, a judge in the court of royal audience at Valladolid; and his abilities, integrity, and firmness, justified the choice. His instructions, though ample, were not such as to fetter him in his operations. According to the different aspect of affairs, he had power to take upon him different characters. If he found the governor still alive, he was only to a.s.sume the t.i.tle of judge, to maintain the appearance of acting in concert with him, and to guard against giving any just cause of offence to a man who had merited so highly of his country. But, if Pizarro were dead, he was entrusted with a commission that he might then produce, by which he was appointed his successor in the government of Peru. This attention to Pizarro, however, seems to have flowed rather from dread of his power, than from any approbation of his measures; for at the very time that the court seemed so solicitous not to irritate him, his brother Ferdinand was arrested at Madrid, and confined to a prison where he remained above twenty years[7]."

"Vaca de Castro, who left Spain in 1540, was driven by stress of weather in 1541, after a long and disastrous voyage, into a small harbour in the province of Popayan; and proceeding from thence by land, after a journey no less difficult than tedious, he reached Quito. In his way he received accounts of Pizarro's death, and of the events which followed upon it, as already mentioned. He immediately produced his commission appointing him governor of Peru, with the same privileges and authority which had been enjoyed by Pizarro; and his jurisdiction was acknowledged without hesitation by Benalcazar, adelantado or lieutenant general for the emperor in Popayan, and by Pedro de Puelles, who had the command of the troops left in Quito in the absence of Gonzalo Pizarro. Vaca de Castro not only a.s.sumed the supreme authority, but shewed that he possessed the talents which the exercise of it at that juncture required. By his influence and address, he soon a.s.sembled such a body of troops as not only set him above all fear of being exposed to any insult from the adverse party, but enabled him to advance from Quito with the dignity that became his character. By dispatching persons of confidence to the different settlements in Peru, with a formal notification of his arrival and of his commission, he communicated to his countrymen the royal pleasure with respect to the government of the country. By private emissaries, he excited such officers as had discovered their disapprobation of Almagro's proceedings, to manifest their duty to their sovereign by supporting the person honoured with his commission. Those measures were productive of great effects. Encouraged by the approach of the new governor, or prepared by his machinations, the loyal were confirmed in their principles, and avowed them with greater boldness; the timid ventured to declare their sentiments; the neutral and wavering, finding it necessary to choose a side, began to lean to that which now appeared to be the safest, as well as the most just[8]."

Don Diego had hardly got two leagues from Lima, in 1542, when secret orders arrived there from Vaca de Castro, addressed to F. Thomas de San Martin, provincial of the Dominicans, and Francisco de Barrionuevo, to whom he committed the direction of public affairs till his own arrival. By these persons, the cabildo of the city was secretly a.s.sembled in the Dominican convent, to whom these orders were communicated, and who immediately recognized Vaca de Castro as governor, and Geronimo de Aliaga, his princ.i.p.al secretary, as adelantado or lieutenant governor of Peru.

Immediately upon this formal act of recognition, the members of the cabildo and several of the princ.i.p.al citizens fled to Truxillo, fearing the resentment of the Almagrians. Although all this had pa.s.sed in secret, it was communicated on the same night to Don Diego, who was disposed in consequence to have returned with the intention of giving up the city to plunder; but he was afraid lest by delay Holguin might escape into the north of Peru, and lest by returning, the arrival of the new governor might come to the knowledge of his troops. He determined therefore to continue his march against Holguin with all expedition. In spite of all his precautions, intelligence of the arrival of the new governor reached his camp, on which several persons abandoned him secretly, particularly the provincial of the Dominicans, Diego de Aguero, Juan de Saavedra, Yllen Suarez de Carvajal the commissary, and Gomez de Alvarado.

Although every consideration prompted Don Diego to use the utmost diligence in the present posture of affairs, he was under the absolute necessity of marching slowly, as Juan de Herrada his great friend and adviser fell sick of a mortal distemper. Owing to this delay, Holguin was enabled to get beyond the valley of Jauja in his march towards the province of Chachapoyas. Yet Don Diego followed after him with so much diligence that he very nearly got up with him. In this emergency, as Holguin was by no means in sufficient force to venture a battle with Don Diego, he put the following stratagem in practice to enable him to escape, which effectually succeeded. During the night he detached twenty hors.e.m.e.n to make an attack on the advanced guard of the enemy, with orders to take some prisoners if possible, and then to retire. They executed their orders successfully and made three prisoners, two of whom Holguin ordered to be immediately hanged, and offered life and liberty with a considerable reward in money to the third, if he would carry information to certain persons in the army of Don Diego, who he pretended were disposed to join him, that he intended to attack the right wing of the camp in the ensuing night, that they might be ready to a.s.sist him. He even administered an oath to this soldier that he would religiously keep the secret from every one but those to whom he was directed to carry the message. Being a young man and desirous of procuring the promised large reward, he readily undertook the commission, and returned to the camp of Don Diego. When Don Diego understood that this man had come back, and that his two companions were hanged by Holguin, he suspected that mercy had been shewn him on some private conditions; for which reason he ordered the soldier to be put to the torture, who immediately avowed all that had been confided to him. By this means, Don Diego was led to believe that Holguin actually intended to surprise him by night, and took effectual measures to receive him, placing the greatest part of his troops under arms all night on that side which the soldier mentioned as the part where Holguin was to attack. The intentions of Holguin were diametrically opposite to this story which he had put in the mouth of the soldier, meaning only to gain time for a secure retreat; so that immediately after dispatching the soldier, he decamped in the middle of the night, marching with all possible celerity to get his army into a place of safety, while Don Diego uselessly kept his army under arms in expectation of being attacked.

When Don Diego discovered the trick which had been imposed on him, he resumed the pursuit of Holguin with as much celerity as he could: But Holguin had sent a quick messenger to Alonso de Alvarado, requesting him to hasten to his a.s.sistance, which Alvarado did without delay with all his own troops and several of the inhabitants of Truxillo. On the junction of these officers a few davs afterwards, Don Diego discontinued the pursuit, and returned towards Cuzco. Holguin and Alvarado sent off immediately to inform Vaca de Castro by letter of all the preceding events, and counselled him to advance without delay to join them, as they were in sufficient force to make him master of the country when strengthened by his authority. At this time Juan de Herrada expired at Jauja, and Don Diego detached a part of his army to the low country of Peru to collect those of his party who were at Arequipa and other places. His officers plundered the city of Arequipa, and dug up every where about the monastery of the Dominicans in search of treasure, as they were informed that the inhabitants of that city had concealed their valuable effects in that convent.

Vaca de Castro had reached Peru with much difficulty and fatigue. The voyage from Panama was exceedingly tedious and tempestuous, and the vessel in which he sailed lost all its anchors. Having at last reached the harbour of Buenaventura at the bottom of the bay of Choco on the coast of Raposo, he went from thence by land to the frontiers of the government of Benalcazar, who commanded in Popayan, and thence to Peru. He suffered much hardship and fatigue in that journey, both from the length and difficulty of the way and the scarcity of provisions, so that he fell sick as being quite unused to such fatigues. Yet as the death of the marquis and the subsequent events were already known in Popayan, de Castro continued his journey with as little delay as possible, that he might endeavour by his presence to remedy the disorders of the country. Although Vaca de Castro had been sent to Peru ostensibly to investigate into and take cognizance of the death of Almagro, and of the subsequent transactions, without any order to deprive the marquis of the government, or even to suspend his authority; yet he had been furnished with a secret commission, by which he was authorized to a.s.sume the government, in case the marquis should die during his voyage, or after his arrival, and to exercise all the functions of that high office, till the emperor might give orders to the contrary.

By the authority of this commission, he was received in the camp of Holguin and Alvarado as governor. He was accompanied thither by several persons who had joined him on his first arrival in Peru, particularly by Captain Lorenzo de Aldana, who had been lieutenant governor of Quito under the marquis. He sent before him Captain Pedro de Puelles, to make preparations for carrying on the war. He sent likewise Gomez de Royas to Cuzco, with orders to the magistrates and inhabitants of that city to receive him as lieutenant. Royas used so much diligence and address that he arrived at Cuzco and was received and acknowledged in the command of that place before Don Diego could reach it with his army.

When Vaca de Castro pa.s.sed through the province of Bracamoras on his way from Quito to Truxillo, Captain Pedro de Vergara, who was then occupied in reducing that province, and had even fortified himself in a strong post on purpose to defend himself against Don Diego, joined him with all his men.

At Truxillo the new governor was joined by Gomez de Tordoya, who had quitted the camp in consequence of a dispute with Holguin. He was joined likewise at Truxillo by Garcila.s.so de la Vega and some other gentlemen. By all these means, when Vaca de Castro left Truxillo to repair to the camp of Holguin and Alvarado, he had already collected a well armed force of more than two hundred men, all ready to obey his orders. Immediately on his arrival at the camp, Holguin and Alvarado received him with every demonstration of joy, giving up to him their standards and all other marks of authority; all of which he restored, except the royal standard, which he retained for himself. Having appointed Holguin to the command of the army, as maestre de campo general, he ordered him to march forwards to Jauja, and to wait there till he himself might return from Lima, where he proposed going that he might establish its government in proper order, and on purpose to collect men, arms and ammunition. He gave orders to Holguin, that Captain Diego de Royas should always precede the army about twenty leagues, with a detachment of thirty hors.e.m.e.n, to gain intelligence of the motions of the enemy. At the same time he sent back Diego de Mora to Truxillo, to take the command in that city. De Castro thus took every proper precaution for the successful issue of his expedition, with as much prudent foresight as if he had been all his life enured to warlike affairs.

When Don Diego found that Holguin had escaped from his pursuit, as formerly related, he went to Cuzco with his army, where Christoval de Sotelo, whom he had detached there before him, had already taken possession of the city, and had displaced the magistrates who had been established there under the authority of the new governor. Immediately on the arrival of Don Diego at Cuzco, he made every exertion to provide artillery and gunpowder for the farther prosecution of the war. Both of these warlike articles are easily made in Peru. As to artillery, there is abundance of metal for that purpose, and there were also several persons in Cuzco who were perfectly well acquainted with the manner of founding cannon: These were _Levantines_ or Greeks, several of whom had come to Peru out of respect for Pedro de Candia, who was master of the ordnance to Don Diego. Powder was likewise easily made in great abundance, as saltpetre is to be had in every part of that country of excellent quality.

At the same time he had defensive armour made for those of his people who were in want, forming corslets and helmets of silver mixed with copper, which answered amazingly well, and, were made by the native artists, who fabricated every kind of arms in imitation of, and as good as those of Milan. By these means, and by collecting all the arms throughout the whole country, every one of his men was at least provided with a coat of mail, a cuira.s.s or corselet, and a helmet[9]. In this manner Don Diego was enabled to equip two hundred musqueteers, and to establish several companies of men at arms, as. .h.i.therto in Peru, hardly any thing had been seen of that kind, the cavalry being all light horse except a very few.

While these preparations were going on, an unfortunate quarrel arose between the captains Garcias de Alvarado and Christoval de Sotelo, in which they drew their swords and Sotelo was slain. As both of these captains were princ.i.p.al leaders in the Almagrian party, and had many friends and partizans in the army, this unfortunate affair occasioned much strife, and had nearly occasioned a battle between the friends of the two combatants; but Don Diego appeased them with some difficulty, and by using a great deal of address. But as Garcias de Alvarado plainly perceived that Don Diego took the death of Sotelo much to heart, whom he dearly loved, and feared lest he might take measures afterwards of revenge, he endeavoured to take precautions in the meantime for his own safety, and for this purpose proposed to have a.s.sa.s.sinated Don Diego. With this view he one day invited Don Diego to dinner, intending to have put him to death during the entertainment. Don Diego accepted the invitation, but when the appointed day came, having some suspicion of what was intended, he sent an excuse for his absence, on pretence of being indisposed. As Garcias had provided every thing for the execution of his design, he went with several of his friends to endeavour to prevail on Don Diego to come to the entertainment. While on his way, he met a soldier named Martin Carillo who advised him to stay away from the house of Don Diego, who he was fully persuaded intended to put him to death. He continued his purpose however, and received a similar advice from another soldier a little farther on.

Yet he persisted in going to the house of Don Diego, and even went up to his chamber, where he found him on a day-bed under pretence of being unwell. This visit seemed to be expected, as Don Diego had several armed men concealed in a neighbouring room.

Garcias de Alvarado and his followers went into the chamber of Don Diego, to whom Alvarado said; "I hope, my lord, that your indisposition is of little importance. You must rise and shake it off, and you will be the better of some exercise and amus.e.m.e.nt. Come along with us, and though you eat little, your presence will give pleasure to the company who expect you." Don Diego agreed to go, and called for his cloak, being already armed with his sword and dagger. While the company in the room made way by going out, and Garcias de Alvarado went immediately before Don Diego, Pedro de Onnate and several others who were instructed, shut the door, and seizing on Garcias told him he was their prisoner. Don Diego drew his sword, with which he wounded Garcias, saying that he must be slain, not taken prisoner; and immediately Juan Balsa, Alfonso de Saavedra, Diego Mendez the brother of Rodrigo Orgognez, and several others who were concealed in the next room, rushed out and put Alvarado to death with many wounds.

On the news of this event spreading through the city, it occasioned much dissatisfaction and some appearances of an insurrection which might have had very fatal consequences; but Don Diego went immediately out into the great square, where he succeeded in appeasing the people, and the friends of Alvarado were forced to be quiet. Immediately after this, on purpose to give employment to his troops, and because he heard that Vaca de Castro had joined Holguin and Alonso Alvarado, he marched out from Cuzco, meaning to seek out and give battle to the royalists. His army on this occasion was the most numerous and best appointed that had hitherto been seen in Peru, consisting of 250 horse, 200 musqueteers, and 250 pikemen, many of these being armed with halberts, and all remarkably well provided with defensive armour, especially all his cavalry, who, besides coats of mail, had back and breast-pieces of iron. Besides these, he had a great train of artillery, and was accompanied by Paul, the brother of the Inca who had been raised to the Peruvian throne by the elder Almagro. The a.s.sistance of this chief was of great importance to Don Diego on the present occasion, as his Indians always went a considerable way before the army, and obliged the natives of all the districts through which they pa.s.sed to supply provisions for the troops, and to furnish people for carrying the baggage and other necessary services. In this manner Don Diego proceeded for about fifty leagues to the province of Vilcas, where he learnt that the royal army was only thirty leagues distant from him.

While Vaca de Castro was in Lima, he procured a number of musquets to be made by the workmen of that city, and made every other preparation in his power to strengthen his army. Among other things, as Don Diego had carried off the whole royal treasure, he borrowed a large sum from the inhabitants of Lima, for the pay of his troops and other expences of the war; and all things being regulated, he set out to join the army with as many men as he could collect, leaving Francisco de Barrionuevo as his lieutenant in Lima, and Juan Perez de Guevara as commandant of his marine. He directed his march for Jauja, leaving orders with the inhabitants of Lima to retire on board the ships, in case Don Diego, as he threatened, should make an attack upon the city. On his arrival at Jauja, where Holguin and the army waited for him, he found that the general had provided good store of arms both offensive and defensive, and particularly a large supply of gunpowder which had been made at that place. The governor incorporated the hors.e.m.e.n whom he brought along with him from Lima among the troops or companies of cavalry already in the army, which were commanded by the Captains Pedro Alvarez Holguin, Pedro Anzurez, and Garcila.s.so de la Vega, and formed an additional troop of horse of which he gave the command to Gomez de Alvarado. Those foot soldiers which he brought with him were distributed into the companies of Pedro de Vergara and Nunno de Castro, and he formed a new company of musqueteers, of which he appointed the bachelor Juan Velez de Guevara captain. Although a man of letters and educated in the study of the law, Guevara was an excellent soldier, and particularly attentive to discipline, and had even greatly a.s.sisted in the construction of the musquets with which his company was armed. Being likewise very learned in the law, he executed a judicial charge at the same time with his military command, both on the present occasion under Vaca de Castro, and during the subsequent troubles produced by Gonzalo Pizarro, as will be afterwards related. Every day till noon, he held his judicial sittings and dispatched such affairs of that kind as occurred, in the ordinary sober dress of a lawyer. After that, he dressed in richly embroidered uniforms, with a buff jerkin, a feather in his hat, and his musquet on his shoulder, exercising his company with much attention, and practised himself in firing.

Having drawn together a well armed force of seven hundred men, 370 of whom were cavalry, 170 musqueteers, and 160 armed with pikes, Vaca de Castro appointed captain Francisco de Carvajal serjeant major[10] of his army; the same person who was afterwards maestre de campo general under Gonzalo Pizarro. Carvajal was an officer of great experience, having served above forty years in the army, and was bred in the wars of Italy under _the great captain_, having risen in that service from the ranks to a lieutenancy. By him all the movements of the army were directed.

About this time a message was received by Vaca de Castro from Gonzalo Pizarro, who had just returned to Quito from his disastrous expedition to Los Canelos, formerly related. Gonzalo made offer to the governor to march to his a.s.sistance with all the troops he could raise; but de Castro, in answer, after thanking him for his good will, desired him to remain at Quito and on no account to come to the army, as he had hope of bringing Don Diego to terms of accommodation, being only desirous of restoring the country to peace. In this procedure, the governor meant in some measure to mortify the pride of Gonzalo Pizarro; and besides, he feared lest his natural desire of taking revenge for the murder of his brother might prove an invincible obstacle against Don Diego agreeing to any accommodation, who would never venture to submit to any one who was accompanied by Gonzalo Pizarro, whose friends in the royal army were very numerous. Some persons allege that Vaca de Castro was afraid of permitting Gonzalo to join the army, lest they might elect him as their general, as he was greatly beloved by the soldiers. At this time likewise, Vaca de Castro sent orders to those persons who had the charge of the children of the late marquis in San Miguel and Truxillo, to remain with them there till farther orders, and on no account to carry them to Lima; alleging, as a specious pretext, that they were safer there than at Lima.

All his military preparations being completed, Vaca de Castro left Jauja with his army in excellent order, taking the route for Guamanga, as he was informed that Don Diego was in full march to take possession of that city, or to take post at a very important pa.s.sage of a river in that neighbourhood, which would give great advantage in the future operations of the war to either party which might obtain possession of that post, as Guamanga was surrounded by precipitous rocks and deep vallies, serving as natural fortifications of extremely difficult access. Captain Diego de Royas, who has been formerly mentioned as commanding the advanced guard of the royal army, had already occupied the city of Guamanga; and on receiving intelligence of the rapid march of Don Diego to that place, had fortified himself there as strongly as possible, that he might be able to defend it till the arrival of the army under Vaca de Castro. The governor, therefore, marched with as much celerity as possible, sending on Captain de Castro with his company of musqueteers to take post on a craggy hill of difficult ascent near Guamanga, called _Farcu_ by the Peruvians and Parcos by the Spaniards. Vaca de Castro, on his arrival one evening within two leagues of Guamanga, received information that Don Diego was already in possession of that city, which disappointed him greatly, more especially as the whole of his own troops were not yet come up. Alonso de Alvarado was sent back therefore, to expedite their march, and to bring them on in good order, as the enemy was so near. Some of the rear-guard of the army marched that day above five long leagues, which was a most fatiguing exertion, as the road was full of rocks and steep pa.s.ses, and they were under the necessity of carrying their arms and accoutrements. Having pa.s.sed the city, the whole army stood to their arms all night, not having any accurate intelligence of the enemy, who was believed to be nigh. Next day, however, learning by their scouts, who had been above six leagues in advance, that the enemy was still at a considerable distance, the royalists encamped to take some rest.

Receiving more certain information of the situation of the enemy, who were still at the distance of nine leagues from his camp, Vaca de Castro sent a letter to Don Diego by Francisco Ydiaquez, commanding him in his majesty's name to dismiss his army, and to repair to the royal standard, on doing which he should be pardoned for all that was past: But, if he refused, he might expect to be proceeded against with the utmost severity, as a rebel against the king. The governor sent likewise a private soldier who was well acquainted with the country, diguised as an Indian, carrying letters for several gentlemen in the rebel army, offering them an amnesty and large rewards if they would abandon Don Diego. Though this man took every precaution to prevent discovery, his track was noticed in some places in the snow, and he was followed and carried prisoner to Don Diego, who ordered him to be hanged. Don Diego complained loudly of Vaca de Castro for sending spies to corrupt his followers while making offers of accommodation; and drawing out his army in complete order before the governors messengers, he ordered all his officers to prepare for battle, promising that whoever killed any of the hostile inhabitants of the country, should be rewarded with the wife, lands, Indians, and wealth of the slain. He then gave an answer to the governors message, that he would never acknowledge or obey him so long as he was a.s.sociated with his enemies, Pedro Alvarez Holguin, Alonso de Alvarado, Gomez de Tordoya, Juan de Saavedra, Garcila.s.so de la Vega, Yllen Suarez de Carvajal, Gomez de Alvarado, and others of that party. That he would never disband his army, unless he received a formal amnesty under the royal sign manual; as he could not give faith to one signed by the Cardinal de Loaysa. That de Castro was much mistaken in supposing any of his army would abandon him, and might therefore prepare for battle, as he was determined to defend the country to his last breath.

On receiving this resolute answer, Vaca de Castro marched his army to a small distance from Guamanga, where the ground was too rough and uneven for his cavalry, and took up a position in a smooth plain named _Chupaz_, where he remained three days, during all which time it never ceased raining, as it was then the middle of winter, yet the troops were forced to be always under arms and ready for action, as the enemy was very near.

He had resolved to give battle, us the enemy obstinately refused all accommodation; yet finding that several persons in his army seemed to hesitate on account of the disapprobation which his majesty had evinced respecting the former battle of _Salinas_, on which account Ferdinand Pizarro was detained in prison, he judged it proper to take some formal judicial steps, both for his own justification, and to satisfy the scruples of his troops. He p.r.o.nounced therefore a formal sentence against Don Diego, whom he declared a traitor and rebel, condemning him and all his adherents to death and the confiscation of all their goods. After signing this judicial sentence in the presence of the whole army, he commanded the officers to give him asistance for carrying it into execution.

Next morning, being Sat.u.r.day, the scouts brought intelligence after ma.s.s that the enemy, who had encamped for the night at two short leagues distance, was very near, and in full march towards the left of the royalist camp, advancing by some low hills to avoid a marsh which covered the front of the royalists. Don Diego wished to gain possession of Guamanga before giving battle, and entertained no doubt of being victorious, trusting to his great superiority in artillery over the royalist army. When the two armies were so near that the advanced guards were within musket shot, the governor detached Captain Castro with fifty musqueteers to skirmish with the enemy, while the rest of his troops marched up the slope of a hill on purpose to intercept the march of the rebels. This movement was liable to considerable danger, as Don Diego might have done the royalists much damage by means of his artillery if he had taken advantage of the nature of the ground in proper time; for during this conversion, the royalist infantry were often obliged to halt to recover their order, which was much deranged by the difficulty of the ground. When Carvajal the serjeant-major observed this circ.u.mstance, he ordered all the troops to gain the height as quickly as possible without preserving any precise order of march, and to form again when they were arrived at the summit. They accordingly got all up, while Captain Castro and his musqueteers were skirmishing with the troops of Don Diego; who likewise continued his march, and drew up in order of battle.

After the royal army had been marshalled in good order by the serjeant-major, the governor made them a speech, in which he exhorted them to recollect that they were loyal Spaniards who were fighting in the just cause of their sovereign. He told them that the fate of Peru was now in their hands and depended on their courage. If defeated he and they could only expect to be put to death; but if victorious, besides the important service to the king, which they were bound as good and loyal subjects to perform, they would thereby secure the possession of their estates and effects, and to such as had none he would provide amply in the name and by the authority of his majesty, who only desired to preserve the sovereignty of Peru, that he might divide it among those who served him faithfully. In conclusion, he said there needed not a long harangue to encourage gentlemen of honour and brave soldiers to do their duty, whose example he proposed to himself to follow, not pretending to give them one; yet, as a proof that he meant to imitate their bravery, he intended to march at their head and should be among the first to break a lance. They all declared that they would do their duty manfully, and would rather be cut to pieces than allow themselves to be defeated, as they all considered themselves interested in the success of the war on their own accounts, as well as from duty to the king. All the officers earnestly intreated Vaca de Castro not to hazard himself in the front of battle, insisting that he should take post in the rear with thirty hors.e.m.e.n, whence he might send succour to wherever it might be needed. He consented to this, and as the day drew towards a close, being within an hour and a half of sunset, he proposed to postpone the battle till next morning. But Alonso de Alvarado a.s.sured him that he would be defeated if he delayed, as the whole army seemed then animated by the best resolution, and it was impossible to say whether some might not change their sentiments during the night. The governor a.s.sented to this advice, only saying that he wished to have the power which had been given to Joshua, that he might stop the going down of the sun.

At this time the artillery belonging to Don Diego opened its fire upon the royalists; and as it was dangerous to descend the hill in front towards the enemy, on account of being too much exposed in that direction to their guns, the serjeant-major and Alonso Alvarado directed the army to move by the left, where there was a hollow which led towards the enemy, by which they were protected from the b.a.l.l.s which all flew over their heads. The troops marched in the following order. Alonzo de Alvarado was on the right with his troops of horse, having the royal standard carried by Christoval de Barientos; on the left were the other four captains of horse, Pedro Holguin, Gomes Alvarado, Garcila.s.so de la Vega, and Pedro Anzurez, all at the head of their respective troops in excellent order. Between the two wings of cavalry, the Captains Pedro de Vergara and Juan Velez de Guevara marched with the infantry; and Nunno de Castro marched in front with his musqueteers to begin the battle, with orders to retire when pressed by the enemy under the protection of the main body. The governor, at the earnest entreaty of his officers, remained in the rear guard at the head of thirty horse, at some short distance from the main body, where he could see all that occurred, so as to send a.s.sistance where it was wanted, which he did with much judgment.

During the advance of the royalists, the enemy kept up a constant fire of their artillery, but altogether ineffectually, as all their b.a.l.l.s flew too high. Don Diego observing this circ.u.mstance, suspected that Pedro de Candia the captain of his artillery was gained by the enemy and did this on purpose; for which reason he went to him in great rage and killed him with his own hand. After this he pointed and fired off one of the cannon against a squadron of the royalists, by which shot several of the troopers were killed. Seeing this, and considering that the artillery of the royal army was too insignificant to do much service, Carvajal determined to leave it behind that the army might advance more quickly. At this time Don Diego and his officers had arranged their army in order, the cavalry divided on the two wings, and the infantry in the centre, having their cannon in front, directly over against the only ground by which the royalists could advance to the attack. The rebels believed it would argue timidity in them thus to wait for the enemy, and that it was proper for them to advance and meet them half way. This movement was much against the opinion and advice of Pedro Suarez, serjeant-major to Don Diego, a brave and experienced officer; who remonstrated that, as the enemy had to advance over a plain of considerable extent, they would be greatly injured by the artillery before they could come to the charge, whereas by advancing the troops of Don Diego would shorten this dangerous way for their enemies, and would lose an excellent advantage now in their power.

Nothwithstanding this judicious remonstrance the Almagrian army continued to advance, and took post near a rising ground over which the royalists had to march, and after which the rebel artillery could do them very little harm, and was unable to prevent them from charging, as the way between was very short. Suarez was so much dissatisfied at his advice being thus despised, that he set spurs to his horse and galloped over to the royalist army.

About this time the Indians under the command of Paullu the brother of Inca Manco Capac, attacked the left wing of the royalists with repeated vollies of stones and arrows, but were soon put to flight by a few discharges from the musqueteers. Martin Cote who commanded a company of musqueteers on the side of Almagro, advanced to that side and began to skirmish with the adverse musqueteers of Nunno de Castro. At this time the royalists, advancing slowly and in good order to the music of their drums and trumpets, made their appearance on the height, where they halted as waiting an opportunity to charge, in hopes that the incessant discharge from the artillery of the enemy might relax. Although now so near, the rebel artillery did them very little harm, as having to point upwards, most of their b.a.l.l.s flew too high, whereas if the royalists had advanced only twenty paces farther, they would have been exposed to point blank shot. The infantry indeed of the royalists suffered materially at this time, as they were more directly exposed to the shot, insomuch that by one ball a whole file of seventeen men was brought down. This made a wide gap in the battalion, which the officers took care immediately to fill up. The serjeant-major, Francisco de Carvajal, still held back the royalist cavalry from the charge, waiting for some relaxation in the fury of the adverse artillery, by which the captains Pedro Alvarez Holguin and Gomez de Tordoya were both slain, and several others were killed and wounded by every discharge. Captain Pedro de Vergara being wounded by a musket shot, exclaimed loudly against the conduct of the cavalry, saying that all the infantry would be speedily destroyed if the cavalry did not charge the enemy. The trumpets immediately sounded a charge, and the royalist squadrons advanced, on which those of Don Diego moved forward to meet them courageously. The shock was so violent that almost all the lances on both sides were broken, and many hors.e.m.e.n of both armies were borne to the ground, some killed and others wounded. A b.l.o.o.d.y engagement succeeded this charge, in which they fought man to man with swords, maces and battle axes; some even of the cavalry being armed with large woodmens axes which they wielded in both hands, gave such heavy blows as no armour could withstand.

After continuing the battle with great fury till both sides were out of breath, they drew off for a little.

In the meantime the royalist infantry advanced against those of Don Diego, encouraged by the exhortations and example of Carvajal who marched at their head. "Be not afraid, said he, of the artillery: I, who am as large as any two of you, do not fear it, and you all see how many bullets pa.s.s by without hurting me." That his soldiers might not conceive that he confided in the goodness of his armour, he threw away his coat of mail and helmet, and advanced in this manner to the rebel cannon; and being bravely seconded by his men, he soon got possession of them all, killing several of those who guarded them, after which he turned them against the enemy.

By this vigorous, and successful exploit, the event of the battle was in a great measure decided. The day was now ended, and the evening became so dark that the opponents could hardly distinguish each other except by the voice. After a short rest, the cavalry renewed the fight, and victory began to lean to the side of the royalists, when Vaca de Castro made a furious a.s.sault on the left of the enemy, where two troops belonging to Don Diego still kept their ground, while all the rest began to fall back.

On charging the enemy, the governor exclaimed, _Vittoria! Vittoria!_ Yet the battle continued undecided for some time, and several of the hors.e.m.e.n who followed Vaca de Castro were wounded and unhorsed, two gentlemen and several others being slain. The rebels were at last thrown into disorder and fled from the field, being pursued for some distance. Two of their officers, named Bilboa and de Sosa, were so enraged on seeing the defeat and flight of their companions, that they rushed like madmen into the thickest of the enemy, crying out _I am he who killed the marquis_, till both were slain. Many of the Almagrians saved themselves by favour of the darkness; and some of them, for greater security, threw away their _white_ scarfs, by which the rebels were distinguished, and put on the _red_ scarfs of the royalists who lay dead on the field. Thus Vaca de Castro obtained a complete victory, although before the charge was given his army lost many more men than the enemy, insomuch that Don Diego thought himself till then secure of conquering. Such of the fugitives as endeavoured to save themselves by way of the plain were all killed by the Indians; and a hundred and fifty horse, who made their escape to Guamanga, about two leagues from the field of battle, were disarmed and made prisoners by the small number of inhabitants who remained in that city. Don Diego fled to Cuzco, where Rodrigo de Salazar, his own lieutenant, and Antonio Ruyz de Guevara, one of the magistrates made him prisoner. Thus ended the authority of Don Diego Almagro, who one day was lord and master of the great kingdom of Peru, and the next day was thrown into prison by officers of his own appointment. This decisive battle of Chupaz was fought on the 16th September 1542.

A great part of the night was over before their officers could rea.s.semble the victorious army, as the soldiers were busied in pillaging the tents of the rebels, where they got a rich plunder in silver and gold, and killed several of the wounded fugitives who were unable to continue their flight any farther. When all were rea.s.sembled, Vaca de Castro made the army remain all the rest of the night under arms and in order of battle, lest the enemy might rally and renew the fight. Vaca de Castro employed himself likewise during most part of the night in going about among the troops, praising the whole in general, and thanking the individual soldiers for having so bravely done their duty. In this battle several officers and soldiers on both sides signalized themselves remarkably. Don Diego distinguished himself particularly, shewing much courage, and more conduct than could have been expected from a young man only twenty-two years of age[11]. He was animated by what he considered a just vengeance for the death of his father; and was well seconded by many of his followers. Many of those on the side of Vaca de Castro, were on the contrary incited by the desire of avenging the death of the marquis, for whose memory they preserved an inviolable attachment, insomuch that no danger could prevent them from using their utmost efforts to punish his murderers. On the two sides, about 300 men were slain[12], among whom were several officers and men of note. Pedro Alvarez Holguin and Gomez de Tordoya eminently distinguished themselves on the side of the royalists, having mantles of white velvet richly embroidered over their armour, owing to which they were particularly marked out by the musqueteers of the enemy, and both lost their lives in consequence. Alonso de Alvarado and Carvajal likewise distinguished themselves signally, particularly the latter, as already mentioned, in a manner that it seemed almost impossible he should have escaped. But by despising death, he appeared to have made it flee from him; as indeed it often happens during great dangers, that those who meet them bravely are preserved, while those who shrink are lost. A signal instance of this happened in the present battle, as a young man who was afraid of the b.a.l.l.s concealed himself behind a projecting rock; where his head was shattered to pieces by a splinter driven off by a cannon ball[13]. Many others signalized themselves in the battle, to most of whom the governor gave competent estates in lands and Indians, when he made the re-part.i.tion of the country, adding his warm acknowledgements for having resigned their individual interests and resentments in the service of the crown.

The night after the battle was extremely frosty, and as the baggage was considerably in the rear, only two of the wounded officers had their wounds dressed, so that a good many of the wounded died of cold during the night. Next morning, the governor caused every attention to be given to the wounded, who exceeded four hundred in number[14], and had the dead buried, ordering the bodies of Holguin and Tordoya to be carried to the city of Guamanga, where they were magnificently interred. On the day succeeding the battle, the governor ordered the heads of several prisoners to be cut off, who had been concerned in the murder of the marquis. Next day he went to Guamanga, where Captain Diego de Royas had already beheaded Juan Tello and some other captains of the rebels. The governor now gave orders to the licentiate de la Gama to try the rest of the prisoners, and to punish them according to their deserts. De la Gama accordingly hanged several and beheaded others, to the number of forty of the most culpable, insomuch that in all about sixty were executed. Some others were banished, and the rest were pardoned, such of them as had settlements being allowed to return to their houses.

The governor went afterwards to Cuzco, where he brought Don Diego to trial, and ordered him to be beheaded. Diego de Mendez, Gomez Perez, and another, made their escape from prison into the mountains of the Andes, where they were kindly received by Manco Capac the fugitive Inca, who had taken refuge in an inaccessible country. The Inca was much grieved on learning the death of Don Diego, whom he was greatly attached to, and to whom he had sent several coats of mail, corselets, cuira.s.ses, and other arms, which he had taken from the Spaniards whom he defeated and slew, at the time when he went by order of the marquis to relieve Gonzalo and Juan Pizarro, then besieged in Cuzco.

After the death of Don Diego and the entire dispersion of his adherents, by which peace was restored through the whole country, the governor did not consider it proper to disband his army, as he had not sufficient funds to reward them according to their services; for which reason he resolved to send them in different detachments to make discoveries and conquests.

Captain Vergara and his troops were accordingly sent back to complete the conquest of the Bracamoras. The Captains Diego de Royas and Philip Gutierez were sent with above three hundred men to the eastwards, where they afterwards made some establishments on the Rio de la Plata. Captain Monroy was sent to Chili with reinforcements to Pedro de Valdivia, who was engaged in reducing that country. Captain Juan Perez de Guevara was sent to reduce the country of Mullobamba which he had discovered. This is an exceedingly mountainous country, in which the two great rivers Marannon and La Plata have their sources, both of which run into the Atlantic. Its inhabitants are Caribs, or canibals, and their country so hot that they go entirely naked, or at least have only a few rags round their loins. While in this country, Juan Perez got notice of an extensive province beyond the mountains towards the north, in which there are rich gold mines, and which has camels and fowls like those of New Spain, and a species of sheep considerably smaller than those of Peru. In that country it is necessary to water all kinds of seeds regularly, as it seldom rains. In it there is a lake, the environs of which are exceedingly populous. In all its rivers there are certain _fishes_ as large as dogs, which they likewise very much resemble, which kill and eat the Indians when they go into the water or even pa.s.s near it, as they often come out of the water and walk on the dry land[15]. This great country is bounded on the north by the Marannon, on the east by Brasil, and on the south by the Rio de la Plata; and it is said that the Amazons dwell in this country, of whom Orellana received intelligence while descending the Marannon.

Vaca de Castro remained above eighteen months in Cuzco after the departure of these various expeditions, employing himself in making a distribution of the unoccupied lands and Indians, and settling the whole country in good order, issuing likewise many useful regulations for the protection and preservation of the Indians. In that period the richest gold mine ever heard of in our days was discovered near Cuzco in a river named _Carabaya_, where a single Indian is able to gather to the extent of a mark in one day[16]. The whole country being now perfectly tranquil, and the Indians protected from those excessive toils to which they had been subjected during the civil war, Gonzalo Pizarro was permitted to come to Cuzco, and after a few days went thence to Las Charcas, where he employed himself in taking care of the extensive estate which he possessed in that country. He there remained in quiet, till the arrival of the viceroy, Blasco Nunnez Vela in Peru, as shall be related in the sequel.

[1] This chapter is merely a continuation of the history of the discovery and conquest of Peru, by Zarate: but we have thought proper to divide it in this manner, separating the transactions which took place during the life of Francisco Pizarro, from those which occurred after his death.--E.

[2] _Il les fit prenare_, are the words of the French translator: _prendre_ may possibly be an error of the press on this occasion for _pendre_; in which case those officers of the late marquis were ordered to be _hanged_; and indeed they do not appear in the sequel.--E.

[3] There must have been two persons in Peru of this name and surname, as we have already seen _one_ Francisco de Chaves killed on the same day with the marquis.--E.

[4] This officer was father to the historian of the same name.--E.

[5] It was now the year 1542.--E.

[6] As Zarate introduces Vaca de Castro into the history of Peru without any previous notice of his appointment, it has been deemed proper to give a short account of his commission from Robertsons History of America, II. 339, which, being too long for a note, is distinguished in the text by inverted commas--E.

[7] The remainder of the circ.u.mstances relative to de Castro, here quoted, are to be found in Robertson II. 353.; the other events in the history of Peru having been already given from Zarate.--E.

[8] We now return to the narrative of Zarate.--E.

[9] Garcila.s.so says, that on this occasion, the Inca Manca Capac, who had retired to the mountains, in remembrance of the friendship which had subsisted between him and the elder Almagro, provided Don Diego with large quant.i.ties of armour, swords and saddles, which had been formerly taken from the Spaniards, sufficient to arm two hundred men.--E.

[10] The rank of serjeant major in the Spanish service appears to answer to our adjutant, as applied to a battalion: On the present occasion Carvajal may be considered as adjutant general under Vaca de Castro.

Maestre de Campo seems equivalent to Major-General.--E.

[11] Garcila.s.so, himself a mestee, says that Don Diego was the bravest Mestizo, or son of a Spaniard by an Indian woman, that ever the New World produced.--E.

[12] According to Garcila.s.so, of 1500 combatants, including both sides, 500 men were slain, and about an equal number wounded; the royalists having 500 killed and 400 wounded, while the rebels had only 200 slain and 100 wounded. In this estimate he has surely made a material error, as he makes the killed and wounded of the royalists equal to the whole number thay had in the field.--E.