The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution Volume XII Part 23

I write to Dr Franklin under this date to place in your hands five hundred thousand dollars, as soon as he possibly can. I hope it may be effected speedily. My object in making this deposit is, that you may remit to the amount of that sum to the Havana, provided bills on that place can be purchased at a discount of twentyfive per cent; by which I mean, that seventyfive dollars in Europe should purchase one hundred dollars in Havana. If the negotiations cannot be effected upon those terms, you will retain the money in your hands subject to my after direction. I suppose that those, or better terms, can be obtained for the following reasons.

The person who has money in the Havana, by selling bills will immediately possess himself of the amount for which they are sold; and therefore, allowing time for the bills to go over and be presented, with the thirty days of payment, and the further time, which would be necessary to remit that money from the Havana to Cadiz, and he would gain from eight to twelve months' time, which is itself important; but in addition to this, there is the duty of nine per cent on exporting cash from the Havana; a freight, which is I suppose considerable; a risk which is very great, and perhaps a farther duty on the arrival at Cadiz. To which may be added, the advance on bills drawn at Cadiz on the different parts of Europe.

If you can accomplish the negotiation on the terms I have mentioned, you will then remit the bills to a good house in the Havana, to receive the money and hold it subject to my order; and you will, if you can, fix the terms on which that House are to do the business.

Whether anything of this sort takes place or not, I am to request that you will give me every information on the subject, which you can acquire.

I am, Gentlemen, your most obedient and humble servant,

ROBERT MORRIS.

TO B. FRANKLIN.

Office of Finance, September 27th, 1782.

Sir,

I have the honor to enclose the copy of Acts of Congress of the 14th and 23d instant, together with the copy of my letter of the 30th of July, covering the estimates for the year 1783. These estimates are not yet finally decided on. By the Act of the 14th you are, as you perceive, instructed to communicate the resolution for borrowing four millions of dollars, to his Most Christian Majesty; and first, to a.s.sure his Majesty of the high sense, which the United States in Congress a.s.sembled entertain of his friendship and generous exertions.

Secondly, their reliance on a continuance of them; and thirdly, the necessity of applying to his Majesty on the present occasion.

From this, and even more particularly from the Act of the 23d, you will see, that it is the wish of Congress to obtain this money from or by means of the King. After the decisive expressions contained in those resolutions, of the sense of our Sovereign, I am sure that it is unnecessary for me to attempt anything like argument to induce your exertions. I shall, therefore, rather confine myself to giving information. The grateful sense of the King's exertions, which has so warmly impressed your bosom, operates with undiminished force upon Congress; and what is of more importance, in a country like ours, has the strongest influence upon the whole whig interest of America.

I have no doubt but that the King's Minister here has given his Court regular information on this and every other subject of equal importance, and, therefore, any general a.s.surances on your part will be complimentary, and in some degree superfluous. But there is a kind of knowledge not easily attainable by foreigners in any country, particularly on such a matter as the present. It is not amiss, therefore, that I should convey it to you, and your good sense will apply it in the most proper manner. You (of all men in the world) are not now to learn, that the sour English prejudices against everything French had taken deep root in the minds of America. It could not have been expected that this should be obliterated in a moment. But by degrees almost every trace of it has been effaced. The conduct of Britain has weaned us from our attachments, and those very attachments have been transferred, in a great measure, to France.

Whatever remains of monarchical disposition exist, are disposing themselves fast to a connexion with the French monarchy; for the British adherents begin to feel the pangs of a deep despair, which must generate a deep aversion. The British army here, felt the national haughtiness increased by the contempt which, as Englishmen, they could not but feel for those who had combined against the freedom of their own country. Every part of their conduct, therefore, towards the tories, while they flattered themselves with victory showed how much they despised their American friends. Now that a reverse of fortune has brought on a little consideration, they find a total separation from this country unavoidable. They must feel for the fate of their country; they must, therefore, hate, but they must respect us, too; while their own adherents are both detested and despised.

Since General Carleton's arrival, or rather since the change of Ministers, the British have shown that their intention is, if possible, to conciliate the rulers of America; and by the influence of a common language and similar laws, with the force of ancient habits and mutual friendships not yet forgotten, not only to renew again the commercial intercourse, but to subst.i.tute a new federal connexion to their ancient sovereignty and dominion.

The a.s.surance, therefore, which Congress have directed you to make, must not be considered in the number of those idle compliments, which are the common currency or small change of a Court. It is an a.s.surance important because it is founded in truth, and more important still because it is dictated by the affections of a people. If I may venture an opinion still further, it is princ.i.p.ally important because of the critical situation of things. The sudden change of Britain from vengeance and war to kindness and conciliation must have effects; and those effects, whether they be contempt or affection, will depend less, perhaps, on them than upon others. It cannot be doubted that they will ring all the changes upon their usual theme of Gallic ambition. They will naturally insinuate the idea, that France will neglect us when we have served her purposes; and it would be very strange if they did not find some converts among that cla.s.s of people who would sacrifice, to present ease, every future consideration. What I have said will, I am confident, put your mind into the train of reflections, which arise out of our situation, and you will draw the proper conclusions and make a proper appreciation of them.

Congress have directed you further, to express to the King their reliance on a continuation of his friendship and exertions. I have no doubt that a full belief of this reliance will be easily inculcated.

Indeed, I apprehend, that we shall be considered as relying too much on France, or in other words, doing too little for ourselves. There can be no sort of doubt, that a good argument may be raised on the usual position, that the nation which will not keep itself, does not merit the aid of others; and it would be easy to tell us, that we must put our own shoulders to the wheel before we call upon Hercules.

In short, if the application be refused or evaded, nothing can be easier than to a.s.sign very good reasons why it is done. But you have very justly remarked in one of your letters, that it is possible to get the better in argument, and to get nothing else. So it might be here. True sagacity consists in making proper distinctions, and true wisdom in taking determinations according to those distinctions.

Twenty years hence, when time and habit have settled and completed the federal const.i.tution of America, Congress will not think of relying on any other than that Being, to whose justice they appealed at the commencement of their opposition. But there is a period in the progress of things, a crisis between the ardor of enthusiasm and the authority of laws, when much skill and management are necessary to those who are charged with administering the affairs of a nation. I have already taken occasion to observe, that the present moment is rendered particularly critical by the conduct of the enemy; and I would add here, (if I dared even in idea to separate Congress from those they represent,) that now above all other times, Congress must rely on the exertions of their ally. This sentiment would open to his Majesty's Ministers many reflections, the least of which has a material connexion with the interests of his kingdom. But an argument of no little weight, is that which applies itself directly to the bosom of a young and generous prince, who would be greatly wounded to see that temple, dedicated to humanity, which he has taken so much pains to rear, fall at once into ruins, by a remission of the last cares, which are necessary for giving solidity to the structure. I think I might add, that there are some occasions on which a good heart is the best counsellor.

The third topic on which Congress have directed you to dwell upon, is the necessity of their present application; and it is this which falls most particularly within my department; for I doubt not that every sentiment on the other objects, has been most forcibly inculcated by the Minister of Foreign Affairs. I might write volumes on our necessities, and not convey to you so accurate an idea, as by the relation of a single fact, which you may see in the public newspapers.

It is, that the requisitions of last October for eight millions, had produced on the 1st day of this month only one hundred and twentyfive thousand dollars. You are so perfectly a master of everything, which relates to calculation, that I need not state anything of our expenses. You know also what were our resources beyond taxation, and therefore you have every material for forming an accurate idea of our distresses. The smallness of the sum which has been paid will doubtless astonish you; and it is only by conversation or a long history that you could see why it has been no greater. The people are undoubtedly able to pay, but they have easily persuaded themselves into a conviction of their own inability; and in a government like ours the belief creates the thing.

The mode of laying and levying taxes are vicious in the extreme; the faults can be demonstrated; but would it not be a new thing under the sun, that people should obey the voice of reason? Experience of the evil is always a preliminary to amendment, and is frequently unable to effect it. Many who see the right road, and approve it, continue to follow the wrong road, because it leads to popularity. The love of popularity is our endemial disease, and can only be checked by a change of seasons. When the people have had dear experience of the consequences of not being taxed, they will probably work the proper amendment, but our necessities in the interim are not the less severe.

To tell America in such a situation, that she should reform her interior administration, would be very good advice, but to neglect affording her aid, and thereby to lose the capital objects of the war would be very bad conduct. The necessity of the present application for money arises from the necessity of drawing by degrees the bands of authority together, establishing the power of government over a people impatient of control, and confirming the federal union of the several States, by correcting defects in the general const.i.tution. In a word it arises from the necessity of doing that infinite variety of things, which are to be done in an infant government, placed in such delicate circ.u.mstances, that the people must be wooed and won to do their duty to themselves, and pursue their own interests.

This application also becomes the more necessary, in order to obviate the effort of that British faction, which the enemy are now attempting to excite among us. Hitherto indeed they have been unsuccessful, unless perhaps with a very few men, who are under the influence of disappointed ambition, but much care will be required when their plans are brought to greater maturity. The savage inroads on our frontiers have kept up the general horror of Britain. The great captures made on our coasts have also rather enraged than otherwise, though such captures have always the twofold operation of making people wish for peace as well as for revenge. But when the enemy shall quit our coasts, (and they have already stopped the inroads of their savage allies,) if the people are urged at once to pay heavy and unusual taxes, it may draw forth and give weight to arguments, which the boldest emissaries would not at present hazard the use of.

I have already observed, that Congress wish to obtain this money either from or by means of the King. The most cautious prudence will justify us in confiding to the wisdom of his Ministers the portrait of our situation. But it might not be very wise to explain to others those reasons for the application, which lie so deep in the nature of things, as easily to escape superficial observers. I shall enclose a copy of this letter to Mr Adams, and you will find a copy of what I say to him on the subject. I hope the Court will take such measures as to render any efforts on his part unnecessary; but you and he must decide on what is best for your country.

I must trouble you still further on this subject, with the mention of what you will indeed collect from a cursory reading of the resolutions, that Congress have the strongest reason for their procedure, when they direct your utmost endeavors to effect this loan, notwithstanding the information contained in your letters. If the war is to be carried on, this aid is indispensable, and when obtained, will enable us to act powerfully in the prosecution of it. If a peace takes place, it is still necessary, and as it is the last request which we shall then have occasion to make, I cannot think it will be refused. In a word, Sir, we must have it.

With perfect respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

TO B. FRANKLIN.

Office of Finance, September 27th, 1782.

Sir,

By my letter of this date you will be informed of the intentions of Congress, to provide for a princ.i.p.al part of the expenditures of the year 1783, by loan. I expect that you will be able to obtain the four millions of dollars, either from the Court, or by their a.s.sistance. I wish for an immediate deposition of a part in the following manner.

That the Court of Spain should give orders for the shipment of a million of dollars at the Havana, free of duties, and be convoyed by one or more ships of the line to an American port; the money to be paid to them during the year, in Europe; I wish this order may be so expedited, as that Captain Barney, in the Washington, by whom this letter goes, may carry it out to the Havana, and receive the money, which will by that means arrive here some time during the winter, and of course will, I expect, come safely as well as seasonably. I wish that a half million of dollars may be paid to Messrs Le Courealx & Co, as soon us possible, to enable them to execute my orders as to particular negotiations, which I commit to them. Whatever else of the money is obtained in France, will of course be paid to Mr Grand, subject to my orders. If any part of the money be negotiated in Holland, it will be, I suppose, proper to leave it in the hands of those who negotiate the loan, subject to my further disposition.

I am, Sir, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

TO B. FRANKLIN

Office of Finance, September 30th, 1782.

Sir,

It is in some respects fortunate, that our stores were not shipped, because, as you observe, they might have been taken; but I hope they are now on the way, for if they are to lie in France at a heavy expense of storage, &c. while we suffer for the want, it will be even worse than if they were taken. You will find by the letters, which are to go with this, that Mr Barclay is prohibited from making any more purchases on account of the United States. I confess, that I disapprove of those he has made; for the purchase of unnecessary things because they are cheap, appears to be a very great extravagance. We want the money as much as anything else, and the world must form a strange idea of our management, if while we are begging to borrow, we leave vast magazines of clothing to rot at Brest, and purchase others to be shipped from Holland. I have said nothing on this subject to Mr Barclay, because the thing having been done, could not be undone, and because the pointed resolutions of Congress on the subject, will prevent any more such operations.

What I have now said, however, will I hope lead you to urge on him the necessity of making immediate shipments of all stores in Europe. A merchant does not sustain a total loss of his goods by their detention, but the public do. The service of the year must be accomplished within the year, by such means as the year affords. The detention of our goods has obliged me to purchase clothing and other articles at a great expense, while those very things were lying about at different places in Europe. I am sure that any demand made for money on our part, must appear extraordinary, while we show so great negligence of the property we possess. The funds, therefore, which were obtained for the year 1781, are not only rendered useless during the year 1781, but so far pernicious, as that the disposition of them will naturally influence a diminution of the grants made for the year 1782.

You mention in yours of the 25th of June, that you would send enclosed the account of the replacing of the Lafayette's cargo, if it could be copied in season. As it did not arrive I shall expect it by the next opportunity.

I have received Mr Grand's accounts, which are not settled in the manner I wish; and in consequence I have written to him by this opportunity to alter them. I have desired him to give your account credit for every livre received previous to the current year, including therein the loan of ten millions of livres in Holland, though a part of it may not have been received until this year. I have desired him to debit your account for every expenditure made by your order, which will include all your acceptances of bills, &c. and of course M. de Beaumarchais' bills, if they shall have been paid.

Finally, I have desired him to carry the balance of your account to mine, in which he is to credit all moneys received for the current year; for instance, the six millions (and the other six if they are obtained) together with such moneys as may come to his hands, from the loan opened for the United States, by Messrs Willink, Staphorst, & Co.

I did expect to have had some kind of adjustment made by this time of Captain Gillon's affair; but Congress referred much of it to a committee, with whom it has long slept; but I have informed Mr Gillon, that I must have a settlement, and at present I wait a little for the determination of Congress.

You mention to me, that the interest on the ten millions, Dutch loan, is payable at Paris annually on the 5th of November, at four per cent.

I must request you to send me the particular details on this subject, such as who it is payable to, and by whom, that I may make proper arrangements for a punctual performance, so as not to incur unnecessary expense. I presume that the first year's interest may be discharged before this reaches you; but at any rate I enclose a letter to Mr Grand, to prevent any ill consequences, which might arise from a deficiency of payment.

I informed you, in mine of the 1st of July, that Congress had resolved to appoint a Commissioner to settle the public accounts in Europe.

This is not done, but they have reconsidered and committed the resolution. Where the thing will end, I do not know. I think, however, that eventually they must send over some person for the purpose.

The appearances of peace have been materially disserviceable to us here, and general cautions on the subject from Europe, and the most pointed applications from the public officers, will not prevent that lethargy, which the very name of peace extends through all the States.

I hope measures will be taken by our public Ministers in Europe, to prevent the people from falling into the snares which the enemy has laid. Undue security in opinion, is generally very hurtful in effect, and I dread the consequences of it here, if the war is to be carried on, which is not improbable.

I am, Sir, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.