The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution Volume XII Part 11

TO JOHN WENDELL.

Office of Finance, May 1st, 1782.

Sir,

I have been duly honored with yours of the 7th and 15th of April. From what you propose with respect to the establishment of a bank in New Hampshire, as well as from the ideas which you say are entertained of the increase of my private fortune, I am convinced that you and other gentlemen are alike mistaken as to the nature of the National Bank, and my official connexions and transactions. The confidence you have been pleased to repose in me, and your communication of sentiment as to public affairs, require of me, that I I should give such explanation of both, as the multiplicity of objects, which engross my attention will permit.

The bank is a mere thing, in which any man may be interested, who chooses to purchase stock. Personally I have no other concern in it, than any other gentleman may have, who pleases to invest his property in it. The government have nothing to do with the bank, except merely to prevent the Directors, should they be so inclined, from extending their operations in a manner disproportionate to their capital, thereby endangering their credit. Any aid which the government derives from the bank is by lodging proper securities with it, and borrowing money for short periods on the discount of interest at the rate of six per cent, which is receiving ninetynine and paying a hundred at the end of two months. The moneys so borrowed are punctually repaid.

By accepting the office I now hold I was obliged to neglect my own private affairs. I have made no speculation in consequence of my office, and instead of being enriched I am poorer this day, than I was a year ago.

You will, from what I have said, see two sufficient reasons against adopting the plan you have proposed. That I have not money, and that I have totally quitted commerce and commercial projects, to attach myself wholly to a business which requires my whole attention. A princ.i.p.al object of my last letter was to acquaint you with this circ.u.mstance, and by what I have there said I meant to acquaint you also with the manner of doing business at the bank. If, for instance, you draw a bill in favor of your factor here on a merchant of reputation, payable at sixty days' sight, and that merchant accepts the bill, your factor can get ninety dollars for every hundred of the bill by discounting it at the bank, and with that money can purchase the articles you direct; but you must then be careful to make due remittances to the merchant on whom you draw. If by connecting yourself in this manner with any gentleman in trade here you can derive any benefit, it will afford me a very sensible pleasure, but as to myself, I must again repeat, that I have quitted trade; and I will add, that the closing my past dealings, which is now the only private object of my attention, requires time, which I cannot spare for the purpose; and of consequence it is, with everything else of a private nature, very much neglected, to my very great disadvantage.

I am, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

REPORT TO CONGRESS ON A MEMORIAL OF THE MERCHANTS OF PHILADELPHIA.

Office of Finance, May 4th, 1782.

The Superintendent of the Finance of the United States, to whom was referred the report of a committee on a memorial of the merchants of Philadelphia, and motion thereon, begs leave to report,

That the navy of the United States is not in a situation to afford protection to their commerce, nor can it be rendered equal to that object for some considerable time, even if the necessary funds could be procured. That there remains no mode of obtaining such protection, unless from the allies of the United States, or the powers engaged with them in war against Great Britain.

That the commerce of these States is of such importance, that it is not improbable the Court of France would afford permanent protection if in their power; and that in the interim some relief may, perhaps, be obtained from the fleets in the West Indies.

The following resolution therefore is submitted; That the Superintendent of Finance prepare a statement of the commerce of the United States, together with a plan for the protection thereof.

That the Secretary of Foreign Affairs communicate the same to the Minister of his Most Christian Majesty, and cause application to be thereupon made by the Minister of these States to the Court of Versailles; and that the Superintendent, as Agent of Marine, make application on the same subject to the Commanders of the fleets of France and Spain in the West Indies.

ROBERT MORRIS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Office of Finance, May 8th, 1782.

Sir,

His Excellency, the Minister of France, in a late letter to me has officially declared, that in future no sums will be paid to the Ministers of the United States in Europe by his Court. It becomes necessary, therefore, to make provision for their support here. I immediately applied to the Minister of Foreign Affairs for an account of the annual salaries payable to his Department. I have received it this day, and do myself the honor to enclose a copy. I must take the liberty to observe, that the sum is very large, and such as cannot be advanced without greatly retrenching from essential services, at least in the present moment. It will, I humbly conceive, be necessary that arrangements should be taken, so that in future all such salaries as are payable to foreign Ministers be advanced in America, and negotiated by their respective Agents. This will be honorable to the United States, and I should suppose more agreeable to the gentlemen concerned.

The Minister of France has also observed, that the accounts between his Most Christian Majesty and the United States having become very important, by the greatness of the sums advanced and lent, it is indispensable that measures be taken to adjust them, and to avoid that confusion, which would be introduced by a longer delay. And in consequence, he has desired that Congress would transmit to Dr Franklin full power finally to settle those accounts, and in the name of the United States to execute the proper obligations for securing the debt and fixing the periods of payment. To this he adds, that it is not expected Congress can do anything towards payment during the war, but that they will fix the several epochas at which they shall be made.

To a proposition so reasonable, there will, I presume, be no objection. The solidity of the observation on which it is founded cannot be called in question, and I am induced by it to extend the remark a little further. The great sums which remain unsettled and undetermined between the French Court and the United States are alike unsettled between the latter and their public servants. How the accounts may stand I know not, but it is my particular duty to observe, that there appears to have been but little received for the great sums, which have been expended, and therefore it is highly necessary, that the public accounts of these States with their servants in Europe be also settled. It shall be my study in future to prevent the existence of such accounts, but their magnitude as well as other circ.u.mstances, makes me extremely solicitous to have them adjusted.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

CIRCULAR TO THE GOVERNORS OF THE STATES

Office of Finance, May 9th, 1782.

Sir,

I do myself the honor to enclose you copies of three accounts, which I have this day received from the Controller of the Treasury of the United States. Each State will from these accounts perceive what still remains for it to do in consequence of the resolutions of Congress, of the 18th of March, 1780.

As this is a circular letter, the observations I make shall be general, and such as result from a general view of the object. The particular application of them, dependent on local circ.u.mstances, will be made by those to whom such circ.u.mstances apply. The resolutions of the 18th of March, 1780, were in part directed towards the redemption of the old Continental money, and the opinions which may have been formed as to the issuing of a new paper medium, the paying of interest upon it, and the connexion with relation to the old, are immaterial under the present point of view.

Nothing can be more clear and simple than this, that the bills issued by Congress for support of the war should be redeemed by taxes. This was one capital object of the resolutions, and as to the apportionment, I am to presume it was as perfect as the fluctuating nature of human affairs will permit, and more especially so, when the few lights, which could the obtained, and the various circ.u.mstances of the several States, are compared with the very variable object of depreciated paper, which was then in contemplation. But, admitting for argument's sake, that the apportionment was not strictly right; this must also be admitted, that to redeem the paper was called for by principles both of reason and justice. It was, therefore, a duty of the several States to comply with the requisitions of their sovereign representative. For any inequalities, either actually existing, or which a subsequent change of circ.u.mstances might produce, would admit of a remedy, but a neglect of the resolutions had the inevitable consequence of injuring the public credit, weakening the public operations, and risking our very existence as a people.

But however strong the motives, which should have prompted a compliance, it will not be disputed that some of the States may have been in circ.u.mstances not to admit of the exertion, and whether this incapacity has arisen from exterior violences, or the defects of internal polity, or both, is in one sense immaterial, because the eventual consequence is the same. Yet, though charity may for a time overlook these defects, it becomes the duty of each State to apply a remedy, if the evil be in its nature remediable; and should they neglect what is in their power, they must expect complaints from Congress, and the servants of Congress from the other States, and from their own bosoms the admonitions of conscience, which will become more poignant from every moment's delay.

A general view of the accounts now transmitted, will show at a single glance, that large sums of the old paper still remain to be provided for, and it might, perhaps, have been right in Congress to have fixed an ultimate day of redemption for the whole, and charged what remained due after that day at forty for one in specie to every deficient State. This, I say, might perhaps have been right, if the ravages of war and other local circ.u.mstances had not required attention and forbearance as to some, if not all. But it cannot be denied, that many are now in a capacity to call in by taxes their quota of this paper.

And those who are, should consider what must be the feelings of men, who hold it on the faith of so many promises, such repeated requisitions, and such sacred bonds of national faith and honor. What must be their feelings to find those promises violated, those requisitions neglected, and that faith disregarded? Can it be expected, that while such flagrant instances of national neglect, to call it by no harsher name, are in the view of almost every citizen, we can possibly establish the fair reputation so essential to public credit?

The plea of inability is not to be admitted, excepting, as I have already observed, in some very particular circ.u.mstances. Considering our country in a general point of view, this paper laying dead is already lost, and the only question is, whether that loss shall be borne by the whole people or only a part of them. Those who parted with it have received the value, and it would be a flagrant injustice, that the whole tax for redeeming it should fall on those who have received it. Neither can it be supposed, that if any were inclined to promote such injustice it would be borne by the sufferers.

And whether these sufferers are individuals or States, the suffering is the same; the sentiment, therefore, must be the same, and so will the conduct be which that sentiment shall dictate.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Office of Finance, May 10th, 1782.

Sir,

In consequence of the Act of Congress of the 4th instant, I do myself the honor to enclose a state of the American commerce, with a plan for protecting it. I shall, in obedience to the orders of Congress, transmit a copy of this paper to the commander of his Most Christian Majesty's fleet in the West Indies, and make the application which I am directed to him, and to the commander of the fleet of Spain. I take the liberty to suggest for the consideration of Congress, whether any application on this subject to the Court of France would not go with propriety through the Office of Foreign Affairs.

With perfect respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.[5]

[5] _May 13th_: This day the Chevalier de la Luzerne had a public audience of Congress, when he announced the birth of the Dauphin of France. I attended at the ceremony, being admitted into the Congress hall within the bar, and I took my place next to the members of Congress, the left of the President, the Minister of Foreign Affairs and the Minister of War next to me. We stood during the whole ceremony, as well also the President and Council of the State of Pennsylvania. When the ceremony was ended, Mr Livingston, General Lincoln, Mr Gouverneur Morris and myself, went to his Excellency, the Minister of France, to pay our compliments.

Afterwards we repaired to the City Tavern to an entertainment ordered by Congress, thence to an exhibition of fireworks at the State House, and then to an entertainment given by the Secretary of Foreign Affairs. _Diary._