An Account Of Timbuctoo And Housa Territories In The Interior Of Africa Part 35

1. Banbug'r [Arabic] Bambara.

2. Grimbala [Arabic] Gimbala.

3. s.h.a.gr'u [Arabic] Sego.

4. Bergr'u [Arabic] Berghoo.

5. Bagrarmee [Arabic] Begarmee.

492 The African traveller should be precise in his attention to the sound of these words, otherwise he will be quite unintelligible to the Africans, and to the Muhamedans.

Richardson, in his Arabic Grammar, is certainly incorrect, when he says, the letter ? _grain_ should be p.r.o.nounced _gh_. No one acquainted _practically_ with the Arabic language, could possibly be of this opinion; _gh_ having no more resemblance to the sound of the letter ? _grain_, than _g_ has to _h_: and every traveller going to Africa with this erroneous opinion, will, undoubtedly, be unintelligible to the Africans.

Finally, the Arabic doc.u.ment, if it may be permitted to call it Arabic, facing page 128 of this interesting work of Mr. Bowdich, is a most miserable composition of _Lingua franca_, or corrupt Spanish, of unintelligible jargon, consisting of many words quite unintelligible to the Africans, whether Negroes or Moors, or others. The language of this doc.u.ment, although it has some Arabic words in it, is worse, if possible, than the scrawl in which it is written; neither is it a correct translation of the English which precedes it. But purporting to be a letter issued from the _accredited servants of the King of the English_, it is certainly a disgrace to the country from whence it issues, and a rare specimen of our knowledge of the Arabic language.

JAMES GREY JACKSON.

493

_Commercial Intercourse with the Interior of Africa._

TO THE EDITOR OF THE JOURNAL OF TRADE, &c.

Sir, Eton, June 30, 1818.

The last expedition from Sierra Leone, in addition to many others sent out for the purpose of _exploring the interior of Africa_, having failed, and the enterprising and persevering Mr. Burckhardt, having frustrated the well grounded hopes of the African a.s.sociation, by his having paid the debt of nature, it is not improbable that His Majesty's government _will now direct their attention with energy to the only plan that can possibly make that interesting and extraordinary country a jewel in the British crown_.

This important discovery, which would immortalise the prince, who should cherish it to its maturity, _can be effected only through the medium of commerce_. But it should be attempted not only with energy and decision, but with _dispatch_, before the enterprising and commercial spirit of a foreign power (seeing how abortive our efforts have been), shall s.n.a.t.c.h from us the glorious opportunity now offered of _laying open the interior regions of Africa_ to the commercial enterprise of Great Britain.

I am, Sir, Your most obedient servant,

VASCO DE GAMA.

494

The following curious Memoir was composed by Edmund Hogan, in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, and lately found amongst the papers of one of his descendants.

(A TRUE COPY.)

"_The Emba.s.sage of Mr. Edmund Hogan, one of the Sworne Esquires of her Ma't's Person, from her Highnesse to Muley Abdelmelech, Emperour of Morocco, and King of Fes and Sus, in the Yeare 1577.

Written by himselfe_.

"I Edmund Hogan, being appointed Emba.s.sadour from the Queens Ma'tie to the above-named Emperour and King Muley Abdelmelech, departed with my company and servants from London the 22d April, 1577, being imbarked in the good ship called the Gallion, of London, and arrived in Azafi, a port of Barbary, the 21st of May next following. Immediately I sent Leonell Egerton ash.o.a.re with my letters directed to John Williams and John Bampton, who dispatched a courier to Morocco to know the Kings pleasure for my repaire to the court, which letters came to theire hands on the Thursday night. They with all speed gave the King understanding of it, who being glad thereof, speeded the next day certaine captaines, with souldiera and tents, with other provision, to Azafi; so that upon Whitsunday at night, the said captaines, with John Bampton, Robert 495 Washborne, and Robert Lion, and the Kings officers, came late to Azafi. In the meane time I remained aboard, and caused some of the goods to be discharged, for lightning of the ship; and I wrote in my letter that I would not lande 'till I knew the Kings pleasure.

The 26th day, being Sat.u.r.day, the Mark-speed arrived in the roade about two of the clock in the afternoone. The 27th day, being Whitsunday, came aboard the Gallion, John Bampton, and others, giving me to understand how much the King rejoyced of my safe arrivall, coming from the Queens Ma'tie; and how that for my safe conduct to the court he had sent four captaines, and an hundred souldiers well appointed, with a horse furnished, which he used himself to ride on, with all other furniture accordingly; they wished me also to come on land in the best order I could, as well for my self as my men, which I did, having to the number of ten men, whereof three were trumpeters. The ships being four, appointed themselves in the best order they could, for the best shew, and shott off all theire ordinance to the value of twenty marks in powder. At my coming, ash.o.a.re, I found all the souldiers well appointed on horseback, the captaines and the Govern'r of the towne standing as neer the water side as they could, with a jennet of the Kings, and rec'd me from the boate, declaring how glad his Ma'tie was of my safe arrivall, coming from the Queens Ma'tie my 496 Mistresse, and that he had sent them to attend upon me, it being his pleasure that I should tarrie there on sh.o.a.re five or six dayes for my refreshing; so being mounted upon the jennet, they conducted me through the towne into a faire fielde upon the sea side, where there was a tent provided for me, and all the ground spread with Turkie carpets, and the castle discharged a peale of ordinance, and all things necessarie were brought into my tent, where I both tooke my table and lodging, and had other convenient tents for my servants. The souldiers inviron'd the tents, and watched about us day and night as long as I lay there, altho' I sought my speedier dispatch. On the Wednesday towards night, I tooke my horse, and travelled ten miles to the first place of water that wee could finde, and there pitched our tents 'till the next morning, and so traveled till ten of the clock, and then pitched our tents 'till four, and so traveled as long as day light would suffer, about twenty-six miles that day. The next day being Fryday, I traveled in like order but eight and twenty miles at the most; and by a [293]river, being about six miles within sight of the Citty of Morocco, wee pitched bur tents. Imediately after came all our English Merchants, and the French, on horseback, to meete me; and before night there came an Alcayde from the King with fiftie men, and divers mules laden with victuall and banket for my supper, 497 declaring unto me how glad the King shewed himselfe to hear of the Queens Ma'tie, and that his pleasure was I should be received into his countrey as never any Christian the like; and desired to know what time the next day I would come into his Citie, because he would that all the Christians, as also his n.o.bilitie, should meete me; and willed John Bampton to be with him early in the morning, which he did. About seven of the clock, being accompanied with the French and English Merchants, and a great number of souldiers, I pa.s.sed towards the Citie, and by that time I had traveled two miles, there met me all the Christians of the Spaniards and Portugals to receive me, which I know was more by the Kings commandment then of any good wills of themselves; for some of them, although they speake me faire, hung downe theire heads like dogs, and especially the Portugals; and I countenanced them accordingly.

So I pa.s.sed on, 'till I came within two English miles of the Citie; and then John Bampton returned, shewing me that the King was so glad of my coming, that he could not devise to doe too much, to shew the good will that he did owe to the Queens Ma'tie and her Realme; His counsellors met me without the gates; and at the entrie of the gates, his footmen and guard were placed on both sides of my horse, and so brought me to the King's palace. The King sate in his chaire, with his Counsell about him, as well the Moores as the 498 Alkaids; and, according to his order given unto me before, I there declared my message in Spanish, and made deliverie of the Queens Ma't's letters, and all that I spake at that present in Spanish, he caused one of his Alkaids to declare the same to the Moores present in the Arabic tongue; which done, he answered me againe in Spanish, yeelding to the Queens Ma'tie great thankes, and offering himselfe and his countrey to be at her Graces comandment; and he comanded certaine of his counsellors to conduct me to my lodging, not being farr from the Court. The house was faire, after the fashion of that countrey, being dayly well furnished with all kinde of victuall at the Kings charge. The same night he sent for me to the court, and I had conference with him about the s.p.a.ce of two houres; where I throughly declared the charge co'mitted unto me from her Ma'tie, finding him conformable, willing to pleasure, and not to urge her Ma'tie with any demands, more then conveniently she might willingly consent unto, hee knowing that out of his countrey the Realme of England might be better served with lackes, then he in comparison from us. Further, he gave me to understand, that the King of Spain had sent unto him for a licence that an Emba.s.sadour of his might come into his countrey, and had made great meanes, that if the Queens Ma'tie of England sent any unto him, that he would not give him any credit or entertainment; albeit (said he) I know what the 499 King of Spaine, and what the Queene of England and her realme is; for I neither like of him, nor of his religion, being so governed by the Inquisition, that he can doe nothing of himselfe. Therefore, when he cometh upon the licence which I have granted, he shall well see how little account I will make of him and Spaine, and how greatly I will extoll you for the Queenes Ma'tie of England; he shall not come to my presence as you have done, and shall dayly, for I minde to accept of you as my companion, and one of my house, whereas he shall attend twentie dayes after he hath done his message. After the end of this speech, I delivered Sir Thomas Gresham's letters; when as he tooke me by the hand, and led me downe a long court to a palace, where there ranne a faire fountaine of water, and there sitting himselfe in a chaire, he comanded me to sitt downe in another, and there called for such simple musicians as he had. Then I presented him with a greate base lute, which he most thankfully accepted, and then he was desirous to hear of the musicians; and I tolde him, that there was great care had to provide them, and that I did not doubt but upon my returne they should come with the first ship. He is willing to give them good entertainment, with provision of victuall, and to let them live according to theire law and conscience, wherein he urgeth none to the contrary. I finde him to be one that liveth greatly in the fear 500 of G.o.d, being well exercised in the Scriptures, as well in the Old Testament, as also in the New, and he beareth a greater affection to our nation then to others, because of our religion, which forbiddeth worship of idols; and the Moores called him the Christian King. The same night, being the first of June, I continued with him till twelve of the clock, and he seemed to have so good likeing of me, that he tooke from his girdle a short dagger, being sett with 200 stones rubies and Turkies, and did bestowe it upon me; and so I, being conducted, returned to my lodging for that time. The next day, because he knew it to be Sunday, and our Sabboth day, he did let me rest; but on the Monday in the afternoone he sent for me, and I had conference with him againe, and musick. Likewise on the Tuesday, by three of the clock, he sent for me into his garden, finding him layed upon a silk bed, complaining of a sore leg; yet, after long conference, he walked into another orchard, whereas having a fair banketing house, and a great water, and a new gallie in it, he went aboard the gallie, and tooke me with him, and pa.s.sed the s.p.a.ce of two or three houres, shewing the great experience he had in gallies, wherein (as he said) he had exercised himselfe eighteene yeares in his youth.

After supper he shewed me his horses, and other co'modities that he had about his house; and since that night I have not seene him, for that he hath kept in with his sore legg; but he hath sent to me 501 dayly. The 18th of June, at six of the clock at night, I had againe audience of the King, and I continued with him, till midnight, having debated, as well for the Queenes co'mission, as for the well-dealing with her merchants for their traffick here in these parts, saying, he would do much more for the Queenes Ma'tie and the Realme; offering that all English ships with her subjects may with good securitie enter into his ports and dominions, as well in trade of merchandize, as for victuall and water, as also in time of warr with any of her enemies, to bring in prizes, and to make sales as occasion should serve, or else to depart againe with them at theire pleasure. Likewise for all English ships that shall pa.s.se along his Coast of Barbary, and threw the Streights into the Levant seas, and so to the Turks dominions, and the King of Algiers, as his owne; and that he would write to the Turke, and to the King of Algiers, his letters for the well using of our ships and goods. Also, that hereafter no Englishman that by any meanes may be taken captives, shall be sold within any of his dominions; whereupon I declared that the Queenes Ma'tie, accepting of these his offers, was pleased to confirme the intercourse and trade of our Merchants within this his countrey, as also to pleasure him with such commodities as he should have need of, to furnish the necessities and wants of his country in trade of merchandize, so as he required nothing contrary to her honour and law, and the breach of league with the Christian 502 Princes her neighbours. The same night I presented the King with the case of combes, and desired his Ma'tie to have speciall regard that the ships might be Iaden back againe, for that I found little store of salt-peter in readinesse in John Bampton's hands; he answered me, that I should have all the a.s.sistance therein that he could, but that in[294] Sus he thought to have some store in his house there, as also that the Mountainers had made much in a readinesse; I requested that he would sende downe, which he promised to doe. The eighteenth day I was with him againe, and so continued there till night; and he shewed me his house, with pastime in ducking with water spaniels, and baiting bulls with his English doggs. At this time I moved him againe for the sending downe to Sus, which he granted to doe; and the 24th day there departed Alcayde Mammie, with Lionell Egerton, and Rowland Guy, to Sus; and carried with them, for our accounts and his company, the Kings letters to his brother Muly Hammet, and Alcayde Shavan, and the Viceroy. The 23d day the King sent me out of Morocco to his garden called Shersbonare, with his guard and Alcayde Mamoute; and the 24th at night I came to the Court to see a Morris-dance, and a play of his Alkaids; he promised me audience the next day, being 503 Tuesday, but he putt it off 'till Thursday; and the Thursday at night I was sent for to the King after supper, and then he sent Alcayde Rodwan and Alcayde Gowry to conferr with me; but, after a little talk, I desired to be brought to the King for my dispatch.

And being brought to him,. I preferred two bills of John Bampton's, which he had made for provision of salt-peter, also two bills for the quiet traffique of our English Merchants, and bills for sugars to be made by the Jewes, as well for the debts past, as hereafter, and for good order in the Ingenios. Also I moved him againe for the salt-peter, and other dispatches, which he referred to be agreed upon by the two Alcaydes. But the Fryday, being the 20th, the Alcaydes could not intend it, and upon Sat.u.r.day Alcayde Rodwan fell sick; so on Sunday wee made meanes to the King, and that afternoone I was sent for to conferre upon the bargaine with the Alcaydes and others; but did not agree. Upon Tuesday I wrote a letter to the King for my dispatch; and the same afternoone I was called againe to the Court, and referred all things to the King, accepting his offer of salt-peter. That night againe the King had me into his gallie, and the spaniels did hunt the duck. The Thursday I was appointed to weigh the 300 quintals grosse of salt-peter,, and that afternoone the Tabybe came unto me to my lodging, shewing me that the King was offended with John Bampton for divers causes. The 504 Sunday night late, being the 7th July, I got the King to forgive all to John Bampton, and the King promised me to speake againe with me upon Monday. Upon Tuesday I wrote to him againe for my dispatch, and then he sent Fray Lewes to me, and said, that he had order to write. Upon Wednesday I wrote againe; and he sent me word that I should come and be dispatched, so that I should depart upon Fryday without faile, being the 12th July. So the Fryday after, according to the Kings order and appointment, I went to the Court; and whereas motion and pet.i.tion was made for the confirmac'on of the demands which I had preferred, they were all granted, and likewise which were on the behalfe of our English Merchants requested, were with great favour and readinesse yeilded unto. And whereas the Jewes there resident, were to our men in certaine round sum'es indebted, the Emperor's pleasure and co'mandment was, that they should without further excuse or delay pay and discharge the same.

And thus at length I was dismissed with great honour and speciall countenance, such as hath not ordinarily bene shewed to other Emba.s.sadors of the Christians. And touching the private affairs intreated upon betwixt her Ma'tie and the Emperour, I had letters from him to satisfie her Highnesse therein. So to conclude, having received the like honourable conduct from his Court, as I had for my part at my first landing, I imbarked myself with my foresaid 505 company; and arriving not long after in England, I repaired to her Ma'ties Court, and ended my emba.s.sage to her Highnesses good liking, with relation of my service performed."

[Footnote 293: The Tensift.]

[Footnote 294: Great quant.i.ties of superior saltpetre are produced at Terodant in Suse.]

_Letter from the Author to Macvey Napier, Esq. F.R.S.L. and E._

Sir, London, 17th January, 1818.

Having read, with considerable satisfaction, your very able and judicious dissertation respecting Africa, in the new Supplement to the Encyclopedia Britannica, I will take the liberty to offer some animadversions that have occurred to me in the perusal of that very interesting article.

_Bahr Kulla_ I conceive to be an immerged country, of considerable extent, similar to w.a.n.gara; for the name, which is Arabic, implies as much. The correct orthography, translated literally into English is _Bahr Kulha_, which signifies the sea, wholly or altogether, implying, therefore, an alluvial country.

Respecting goat-skins dyed red or yellow, these are not brought by caravans from central Africa to Marocco, but are manufactured at Marocco, Fas, Mequinas, and Terodant the metropolis of Suse, from which manufactories they are conveyed to the interior regions for sale. Goat-skins, with the hair, in the raw state only, are exported from MoG.o.dor to England.

506 When Moore a.s.serted that there was no such river as the Niger, he evidently meant that the _natives of Africa_ knew it not by that name; which is undoubtedly correct; for the word being an European word, it would not be known in Africa: but its translation into Arabic is _Bahar El Abeed_, i. e. the river of Negroes. Edrissi called it Niger, from the same motive, viz. because it was so named by _Europeans_, and by them only.

I conceive that the hypothesis which has been credited by some, viz. that there is no receptacle for the two Niles, between Cashna and Timbuctoo, must now necessarily fall to the ground; since the sea of Sudan, first declared by me to be between Cashna and Timbuctoo, and since confirmed by Ali Bey, and by Park, in his second journey, can (as I apprehend) no longer be doubted: and it is not improbable that this is the common receptacle of the Nile of the West and the Nile of the East. This hypothesis is strengthened by the testimony of the Shereef Imhammed, who has said, that he himself saw the Nile, at Cashna, flowing so rapidly westward, that vessels could not stem the current. If this be true, the [295]_Ba Sea Feena_ of Park, which is only another name for the _Sea of Sudan_, must lie west of Cashna, and, probably, about the same 507 point that it is stated by me to be situated, viz. fifteen journeys of horse-travelling, or from 400 to 450 British miles east of Timbuctoo.

[Footnote 295: The Arabic orthography is _Bahar S'feena_ which being literally translated into English, signifies the Sea of Ships.]

The word _Djinawa_ is the African word that denominates Guinea, but I cannot imagine that it was ever intended to signify Gana. (See Supplement to Encyclopaedia Britannica, p. 104.)

You say there are, in Africa, two rivers to which the name of _Niger_ has been given: this is evidently an error, but possibly of the press only. There are, however, two rivers in Africa to which the name of _Neel_ has been given.

The Proceedings of the African a.s.sociation, vol. i. p. 540, declare that the Nile is a name applied in Africa to any great river; but as this a.s.sertion is calculated to produce confusion in the geographical elucidation of the interior of that continent, and as it certainly is not the fact, I must here beg leave to contradict it, and declare that there are absolutely but two rivers in Africa, that bear the name Neel or Nile, viz. the Neel El Kabeer, Neele Sudan, or Neel El Abeed, i.e. the great Nile, the Nile of Sudan or the Nile of the Negroes; and Neele Ma.s.ser, i.e. the Nile of Egypt.[296]

[Footnote 296: _Nile_ is a French term, and loses its proper p.r.o.nunciation and is unintelligible when p.r.o.nounced by an Englishman to an African; but if written _Neel_, and p.r.o.nounced by an Englishman, it is intelligible.]

If my knowledge of the African Arabic can be of any service in 508 giving you the signification or correct orthography of African words, in the event of your favouring the public with a future edition of your New Supplement to the Encyclopaedia Britannica, any information that I can communicate to you will be very much at your service; and you may in this and in any other respect that regards Africa freely command my services.

_Observations on an Historical Account of Discoveries and Travels in Africa, by the late John Leyden, M.D., by Hugh Murray, Esq.

F.R.S.E._

TO HUGH MURRAY ESQ. F.R.S.E.

Sir, London, Feb. 1818.

You have certainly rendered to your country a service, in the publication of "The Travels and Discoveries in Africa, of the late John Leyden," the perusal of which has been to me a fund of instruction and entertainment; it is a most valuable work, and such a one as was wanted by the literary world, inasmuch as the judicious collection of the matter forms a most valuable epitome of African knowledge, collecting what was before distributed into many folios.

I antic.i.p.ate that the information in this work, communicated to the public, will soon be circulated, and you will be called upon to supply a second edition. In the mean time, I take the liberty of submitting to your perusal a few cursory observations which I have 509 made during the perusal of it, on the accuracy of which you may a.s.suredly rely. These apply for the most part to Arabian words, which have been by the moderns, as well as the ancients variously corrupted and mutilated. Desirous (for the information of those who really seek after African knowledge) that this book will pa.s.s through many editions. I am, &c.

JAMES GREY JACKSON.

_Cursory Observations_.

"The _Ludaia_, are not inhabitants of _Ludama_, they are a very numerous and warlike tribe of Arabs, inhabiting the Sahara, of which there are two or three emigrations or encampments in different and distant parts of Sahara; the Emperor of Marocco has some thousands of them in his army, and they are esteemed (next to the negroes, called Abeed Seedy Bukaree) his best troops. See the Map of the tracts from Fas and Arguin to Timbuctoo, facing page 1.

Lat. N. 24. long. W. 3.

"This serpent is the _Buska_, described in Jackson's enlarged Account of Marocco, &c. p. 109. Providence has afforded to man an opportunity of evading the attack of this deadly animal; for when it coils itself up, and by the strength of its tail darts forward fifteen or twenty yards at once, the person attacked, by watching vigilantly its motions, evades the attack, by moving only a short distance from the right line, in which it is prepared to dart 510 forwards; neither can the _Buska_ govern itself in the extent of its movement, but necessarily goes as far as its strength will permit, and then coils itself up again in a circular form, again erects its head, and darts a second time to its object. I have conversed with Arabs, who have been attacked by this monster, and they have a.s.sured me, that, by vigilantly watching its motion, and the direction of its head, when preparing to dart forward, they may escape its attack.[297]

"It is not correct to a.s.sert that _Nasari is a general term_, applied to infidels in Muhamed; it is applied to Christians only.